Posted January 2005 - Originally published by the ICJ, Geneva, Switzerland, October 1965

Introductory note by the editor:

From time to time, when Dr. Cheddi Jagan was Premier of Guyana* during 1961-1964, he raised with the British Government the problem of the racial imbalance in the police and security forces in the country. On those occasions he asked for the setting up of a commission of inquiry to examine this situation and to make recommendations to allow for more Indians to be accepted into the Police Force.

The British government apparently agreed that the racial imbalance in the police and security forces acted to increase racial insecurity in the country but dragged its feet on the setting up of such a commission. However, when the PNC-UF coalition came to power, the British Colonial Office offered in January 1965 to appoint a commission of inquiry to examine this matter, but Forbes Burnham, the new Premier, opposed it on the ground that such a commission would undermine the self-governing status of Guyana.

When the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, Anthony Greenwood, visited Guyana in February 1964, Dr. Jagan again raised with him the question of the racial imbalances in the security forces and insisted that a commission should be set up to examine the matter and propose solutions to this problem. Burnham, on the other hand, stated that he did not recognise racial imbalances in the police and security forces and he opposed the setting up of a commission by the British government to address this issue. He later submitted a memorandum to the Greenwood emphatically denying the existence of any such racial imbalance in those bodies.

Nevertheless, the British government consulted with Burnham on this matter and he finally agreed to an investigation by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ). On 6 April 1965 he subsequently invited that organisation to send a team to Guyana to investigate the racial imbalances, and on 17 June 1965, the ICJ indicated its willingness to send a three-member commission to carry out this task. Shortly after, Sean MacBride, Secretary-General of the ICJ, visited Guyana and discussed with Burnham and members of the government the plans for the setting up of the commission of enquiry. He also met with Dr. Jagan, the Leader of the Opposition, the Chief Justice, the President of the Bar Association and representatives of the Trades Union Council.

The PNC-UF government immediately set out, without consulting with the Opposition PPP, the commission's terms of reference. These did not concentrate on the imbalances in the police and security forces but were expanded to include the civil service, government agencies, the allocation of lands on land development schemes, and other areas of government responsibility. The commission was instructed "to consider existing procedures relating to the selection, appointment, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service of personnel are such as to encourage or lead to racial discrimination in the areas concerned; to make such recommendations as are considered necessary to correct any such procedures with a view to the elimination of imbalance based on racial discrimination having regard to the need to maintain the efficiency of the services concerned and the public interest."

The PPP felt that these terms of references were very unsatisfactory since they failed to deal with the crucial issue of correcting the existing imbalances, and they did not even give recognition that there were imbalances in the police and security forces. What was to be examined was only discrimination which could lead to imbalances in the future and which could affect the efficiency of the public service. The PPP also felt that the ICJ commission should have concentrated on the issue of racial imbalances in the police and security forces since this was of greater urgency. By making the commission examine other areas, such as the public service and the distribution of land on land development schemes, the commission's attention was diverted away from the real issue that required urgent attention.

The PPP protested these terms of references to the British government, but to no avail. The Party, therefore, decided to boycott the meetings of the ICJ commission.

The commission was headed by Justice Seamus Henchy of Ireland, and its other members were law professors Felix Ermacora of Austria and Peter Papadatos of Greece.

The Registrar to the commission, David Sagar, an Australian solicitor on the ICJ staff, arrived in Guyana on 15 July 1965 and immediately began making the administrative arrangements for the holding of the inquiry. During July 1965, the ICJ, by way of newspaper advertisements, invited interested individuals or groups to submit written memoranda setting forth their views on the matters to be investigated by the commission. The Registrar to the commission, by the end of July, received written submissions from 65 individuals and 17 organisations.

The members of the commission arrived on 4 August and began the public sessions at Bishop's High School in Georgetown on the following day. The commission intended at first to hold only public sessions, but because some individuals stated that they wished to give evidence in private, a few private sessions were held to accommodate them. Public and private sessions were held on 12 days and the final public session took place on 20 August 1965.

During the public and private sessions, the commission received evidence or submissions from the Attorney-General, numerous public organizations, holders of public offices, private organizations and groups, and many individuals. Many of these groups and individuals gave evidence in support of memoranda which they had previously submitted, while others gave evidence without having submitted a memorandum. The members of the commission returned to the headquarters of the ICJ in Geneva, Switzerland, where they worked on the preparation of their report. This report, entitled Racial Problems in the Public Service, was finally submitted to the Guyana government October 1965.

The commission expressed its regrets over the non-participation of the PPP in the inquiry. Despite this, it stated it had obtained the views of the Party from its newspaper the Mirror which carried articles setting forth the party's views on topics the commission was investigating.

It found that in the combined security forces, civil service and government agencies, primary schools and development schemes, African were in the majority with 51 percent while Indians accounted for 40 percent.

With regard to the police force, the commission refrained from making any judgement as to whether or not there was discrimination in recruitment. But it recommended that for every year for a period of five years, 75 percent of new recruits should be Indian and 25 percent from other races. A proposal for a crash programme to recruit large numbers of Indians within one year was rejected by the commission.

In dealing with the Volunteer Force, it noted that companies of the Volunteer Force were established in predominantly African areas and agreed that this amounted to racial discrimination. It, therefore, recommended that companies should be set up in areas where there would be large numbers of Indian volunteers.

The PNC, when it formed the opposition, had always accused the PPP government of discriminating against Africans in the field of agriculture. It was for this reason that the PNC-UF government fashioned the commission's terms of reference to enable it to investigate land allocations on land development schemes during the period of the PPP government. However, the commission found that despite the presence of many more Indians than Africans on land development schemes, no discriminatory practices were employed in the selection process.

Burnham expressed his disagreements with some of the findings of the commission, in particular with the issue of land allocations, but he finally agreed to accept the recommendations. However, these recommendations, particularly those related to the police and the Volunteer Force, were never implemented by the government.

[* Guyana was known as British Guiana up to May 1966.]

REPORT OF THE BRITISH GUIANA COMMISSION OF INQUIRY
Constituted by the International Commission of Jurists, October 1965 -

RACIAL PROBLEMS IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE
**

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introductory Note by Secretary-General
Personnel of Commission of Inquiry
Letter of transmission to the Hon. L. F. S. Burnham, Prime Minister of British Guiana

REPORT

Chapter I. Introductory
Terms of Reference
Preliminary Procedures
British Guiana Ordinance
Conduct of Inquiry
Acknowledgements

Chapter II. The Scope of the Inquiry
Public Statement
Interpretation of Terms

Chapter III. The Background: Historical and Other Factors
Table I: Racial Distribution of the Population in 1946 and 1960
Table II: Racial Distribution of the Population on 31st December, 1964 (Provisional)
Table III: Total Racial Percentages in the Security Forces, the Civil Service, Government Agencies and Undertakings and Areas of Governmental Responsibility

Chapter IV. The Security Forces
General
The Police Force
(a) Historical Development
(b) Legal Basis and Function
(c) The Police Service Commission and the Police Federation
(d) Racial Composition of the Police Force
(e) Recruitment
(f) Promotion
(g) Training
(h) Method of Selection of Officers for Training Overseas
(i) Conditions of Service.
(j) Dismissal Conclusions
Recommendations
The Special Constabulary
The Rural Constabulary
The Supernumerary Police
The Volunteer Force
(a) Nature and Functions
(b) Racial Composition
(c) Recruitment
(d) Service
Recommendations
The Special Service Unit.
Table IV: Racial Composition of the Security Forces
Table V: Racial Composition of the British Guiana Police Force
Table VI: Racial Composition of Population and Police by Police Station Districts
Table VII: British Guiana Police Force. Racial Composition of persons selected for training abroad
Table VIII: British Guiana Volunteer Force. Racial Composition of Divisions
Table IX: British Guiana Volunteer Force. Racial Composition by Rank
Table X: Special Service Unit. Racial Composition

Chapter V. The Civil Service
History and Constitution
Racial Composition
Public Service Commission
Appointments
Findings and Recommendations
Tables XI-XXXII: Racial Composition of Staff in each of the Respective Ministries and Departments
Table XXXIII: Racial Composition of Staff employed in all Ministries and Departments

Chapter VI. The Judiciary
General
Appointment of Judiciary
Judicial Service Commission
Racial Composition of the Judiciary
Recommendations

Chapter VII. Education
The Ministry of Education
Organization of Primary Education
Organization of Secondary Education
Racial Composition of Teachers and Pupils
Appointment of Teachers
"Mushroom Schools"
Conclusions and Recommendations Table XXXIV: Analysis of Schools by Denominations showing the Racial Percentage of each Governing Body and the Government Schools as a whole
Table XXXV: Table classifying Primary Schools
Table XXXVI: Secondary School Enrolment (1959-1964)

Chapter VIII. Local Government
History
Present Organization

Racial Composition
Findings and Recommendations
Table XXXVII: Racial Composition of persons employed in Local Government
Table XXXVIII: Racial Composition of Mayor and Town Council of Georgetown
Table XXXIX: Racial Composition of New Amsterdam Town Council
Table XL: Racial Composition of Employees in certain Districts

Chapter IX. The Land Settlement Schemes
Origins and Purposes
Main Schemes
Racial Composition
Procedures
Findings and Recommendations
Table XLI: Racial Composition of Settlers on Land Development Schemes

Chapter X. Government Agencies and Undertakings
General
The Public Corporations Ordinance 1962
Existing Corporations
(a) Guyana Airways Corporation
(b) Guyana Industrial Development Corporation
(c) The Guyana Marketing Corporation
(d) The British Guiana Credit Corporation
(e) The British Guiana Electricity Corporation
(f) The British Guiana Rice Marketing Board
(g) The British Guiana Rice Development Co. Ltd.
(h) The Transport and Harbours Department
(i) The Guyana School of Agriculture Corporation
(j) The University of Guyana
Racial Composition
Findings and Recommendations
Table XLII: Government Undertakings: Racial Composition of Boards
Table XLIII: Racial Composition of Employees

Chapter XI. General Conclusions and Recommendations
Independence
Military Forces
Constitutional Guarantees
Ombudsman
Anti-Discrimination Legislation
Education in Civics
Co-operation and Responsibility
Economic Advancement

APPENDICES

Appendix I. The International Commission of Jurists (Commission of Inquiry) Ordinance 1965
Appendix II. Press Notice Inviting Memoranda
Appendix III. Individuals and Organisations who submitted Memoranda
Appendix IV. List of Witnesses
Appendix V. Memorandum on the Racial Composition of the Public Service, by G. W. Roberts
Appendix VI. United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination
Appendix VII. Part I of the Constitution of British Guiana - Fundamental Rights
Appendix VIII. Extract from the Report of Professor S. A. de Smith, Constitutional Commissioner for Mauritius, on "The Ombudsman"

At the request of the Government of British Guiana, the International Commission of Jurists appointed a Commission of Inquiry to investigate and make recommendations in regard to certain problems concerning racial balance in the public services of British Guiana. The members of the Commission of Inquiry were:
Mr. Justice Seamus Henchy, Ireland (Chairman)
Professor Felix Ermacora, Austria
Professor Peter A. Papadatos, Greece.

The terms of reference, which are set out in the Report, were determined by the International Commission of Jurists, which also provided the Registrar to the Commission of Inquiry, Mr. David W. Sagar, a Legal Officer on its staff.

The reasons which determined the International Commission of Jurists to set up a special Commission of Inquiry at the request of the Government of British Guiana were succinctly set out by the Prime Minister, The Hon. L. F. S. Burnham, in his letter to me dated the 6th April 1965, in which he stated:

"My Government has recently been considering the question of racial imbalance in various fields of activity in British Guiana. Our concern has been to determine whether such imbalance as may exist in any particular field can be corrected and, if so, what is the shortest practicable period for such correction. In these deliberations, my Government has been deeply concerned with the need to remove from our society sources of racial disharmony and to promote the right of each individual, whatever his ethnic origin, to have an equal opportunity to play a meaningful part in the life of the community. This right is already guaranteed to every citizen by the Constitution of British Guiana, but my Government considers it desirable that it should take the initiative in sponsoring an impartial inquiry into the question of racial imbalance in all significant areas of Governmental activity and all other relevant areas of public life in which racial imbalance may be harmful to the welfare of the community and to the public's interest generally.

"It is our earnest desire that this appraisal of racial imbalance should be carried out with the utmost detachment and impartiality. With this in view, we can conceive of no organization or agency more suitable to the task than the International Commission of Jurists, and it is the purpose of this letter to invite the Commission to undertake this function. As British Guiana moves forward to independence there is perhaps no greater need than to relieve the racial anxieties within our society, and the International Commission of Jurists would render a major service to British Guiana in this respect were it to accept this invitation."

It is the hope of the International Commission of Jurists that this Report will assist in relieving racial anxieties within British Guiana and that the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry will be of assistance to the country, not only as it moves forward to independence but also in its ultimate political, social, and economic development as an independent nation. If this hope is realised, the members of the Commission of Inquiry and the International Commission of Jurists will feel that their work has been adequately rewarded.

The International Commission of Jurists is indebted to the Governments of British Guiana and of the United Kingdom, as well as to all those who assisted the Commission of Inquiry in its difficult Work, for their assistance and co-operation.

The International Commission of Jurists wishes to express in particular its thanks to Mr. Justice Henchy, Professor Ermacora and Professor Papadatos for their willingness to undertake this Inquiry and for the care and trouble which they took in the preparation of their Report.

This is the first Inquiry of this nature which has been conducted into the problems of public administration in a multi-racial society. It is hoped that the Report may set a useful pattern for the solution of such problems wherever they may arise.

As is pointed out in the Report, full economic development that would ensure greater employment opportunities and an increased national income is an important concurrent factor to any legal or administrative action that may be taken. The fact that the Government of British Guiana has taken the constructive initiative of seeking independent advice on the problems which are the subject matter of this Report will, I trust, inspire confidence among nations and international institutions which could provide technical and financial assistance for the rapid and full development of the country's economy.

SEAN MACBRIDE
Secretary-General

*

PERSONNEL OF COMMISSION OF INQUIRY

Mr. Justice Seamus Henchy (Chairman):

Irish. Born 1917. In addition to holding a degree of Barrister-at-Law, also holds an M.A., LL.B., and is a Doctor of Philosophy. Called to the Irish Bar in 1942 and to the Inner Bar in 1959. Was in active practice at the Irish Bar until his appointment to the Bench in 1962. Held the chair of Jurisprudence, Legal History and Roman Law in University College, Dublin, from 1948 to 1962. In 1962 was appointed a Judge of the High Court of Ireland. Mr. Justice Henchy has acted as Chairman of the Commission on Labour Problems in the Irish Transport Industry. He is currently Chairman of a Commission on Mental Illness.

Professor Felix Ermacora:

Austrian. Born 1923. Studied Law and Political Science at the Universities of Innsbruck and Paris. Appointed Magistrate in the Austrian Federal Chancellery in 1952. Professor of Public Law, University of Innsbruck (1957-1964), University of Vienna (since 1964). Member of the European Commission on Human Rights (since 1958). Austrian Representative on the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations (since 1960). Special Legal Adviser to the Austrian Government on Minority Questions. Member of the Commission of Inquiry established by the International Commission of Jurists in regard to Bizerta (1961). Author of a number of works on problems of Human Rights and the protection of Minorities.

Professor Peter A. Papadatos:

Greek. Born 1924. Studied Law in Athens, Geneva, Paris and Heidelberg Universities. Doctorate in Law, University of Geneva. Associate Professor of Law, University of Athens. Special Legal Adviser to Royal Hellenic Ministry of Co-ordination (codification of legislation). Member of Committees on legal reforms in Greece. Observer for the International Commission of Jurists at the Eichman trial in Israel and Special Representative of the International Commission of Jurists in connection with Angola. Professor Papadatos has published several works on legal and sociological questions.

Mr. David William Sagar:

Australian. Born 1935. Degree of Bachelor of Laws (University of Sydney). Admitted to practice as Solicitor of the Supreme Court of New South Wales in 1960. Legal Officer of the International Commission of Jurists.

Note: Mr. Sean MacBride, S.C., Secretary-General of the International Commission of Jurists, visited Georgetown following upon the request of the Government of British Guiana to appoint a Commission of Inquiry. In the course of his visit Mr. MacBride met the Prime Minister and members of the Government as well as Dr. Cheddi Jagan, the Leader of the Opposition. He also met the Chief Justice, the President of the Bar Council and representatives of the Trades Union Council.

*

LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY-GENERAL OF THE
INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTS TO THE PRIME MINISTER OF BRITISH GUIANA

30th September, 1965

The Hon. L. F. S. Burnham
Prime Minister
Office of the Premier
Public Buildings
Georgetown, British Guiana

Dear Prime Minister,

I have the honour to present herewith to Your Excellency the Report of the British Guiana Commission of Inquiry which was set up by the International Commission of Jurists after consideration of Your Excellency's letter of the 6th April, 1965.

The Commission of Inquiry was constituted in June 1965 and transmitted its Report to me on the 27th of September, 1965. The terms of reference were decided upon by the International Commission of Jurists. The Commission of Inquiry was autonomous and the Report sets forth its own views and recommendations.

I sincerely trust that the Report will be of assistance in the evolution of the independent State of Guiana.

I should like to take this opportunity to express on behalf of the Commission of Inquiry, of our staff and of myself, our deep appreciation of the assistance and many courtesies which we received from the Government and the people of British Guiana.

I have the honour to remain, Excellency,

Yours respectfully and sincerely,

SEAN MACBRIDE
Secretary-General

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1. In June 1965, this Commission of Inquiry was set up to examine and report on certain aspects of public life in British Guiana. Our terms of reference were declared to be as follows:

"To examine the balance between the races in the Security Forces, the Civil Service, Government agencies or undertakings (including land settlement schemes) and other areas of Governmental responsibility; to consider whether existing procedures relating to the selection, appointment, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service of personnel are such as to encourage or lead to racial discrimination in the areas concerned; to make such recommendations as are considered necessary to correct any such procedures with a view to the elimination of imbalance based on racial discrimination having regard to the need to maintain the efficiency of the services concerned and the public interest."

2. We held our first meeting at Geneva on June 26-27, 1965, at which we received extensive background information on the historical, social, economic, political and demographic development of the country up to the present time. Numerous preliminary matters were discussed and procedures were settled for the conduct of the Inquiry in British Guiana. The Registrar of the Commission arrived in Georgetown on July 15, 1965, and was responsible for all administrative arrangements. We arrived in Georgetown on August 4, 1965.

3. On July 30, 1965, an Ordinance was enacted by the Legislature of British Guiana which conferred upon the Commission of Inquiry the powers of the Supreme Court of British Guiana to summon witnesses, to examine witnesses on oath, and to call for production of books and documents. This Ordinance, which was enacted to facilitate the Commission of Inquiry in its investigations, is reproduced in Appendix I.

4. The procedures which we adopted for the conduct of the Inquiry and for the obtaining of evidence are set forth as follows:

(a) During July 1965, a notice was published in each of the principal newspapers in Georgetown inviting interested individuals or groups to tender written memoranda setting forth their views on the matters within the terms of reference. The form of this notice is contained in Appendix II. In response to this notice, we received memoranda from 65 individuals and 17 organisations. These memoranda expressed the views of a wide variety of people throughout the country. Many of them contained lengthy analyses of the historical and sociological developments of the topics referred to in the terms of reference, and many suggested recommendations of the kind called for by the terms of reference. Whilst some memoranda strayed from matters relevant to the Inquiry, practically all of them made some valuable contribution towards one or more of the various subject matters that were investigated. The names of the persons and groups who submitted memoranda are set forth in Appendix III. In addition to these memoranda there was a comprehensive Government memorandum in five parts. It contained extensive information as to the balance between the races in the various departments and organizations under investigation, and details of the written procedures for appointment, selection, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service. It also provided much historical information relating to the participation of the respective races in Governmental activities and recommendations relevant thereto. All these memoranda made a most valuable contribution and helped us to make the best use of the limited time at our disposal in this Inquiry.

(b) All public sessions of the Commission of Inquiry were held at Bishop's High School in Georgetown. We did not take any evidence on oath nor did we compel any witnesses to attend and give evidence. The nature of this Inquiry called not only for evidence as to facts but for opinions and recommendations, which we felt might be better obtained informally and not under oath. We decided therefore that the powers conferred upon us by the Ordinance referred to above would only be used if issues of fact arose from a conflict in the evidence which it would have been necessary or desirable to resolve by testimony under oath. No such issues of fact arose during the Inquiry.

(c) We intended at the outset to conduct our hearings in public. At the commencement of the Inquiry, however, we received representations from many people stating that they wished to give their evidence in private. So as not to be deprived of any representations that might be of value, we decided to give a hearing in private to anybody who so requested. Accordingly, we held a number of sessions in private. We also received valuable assistance from representations and expressions of opinion made in the course of innumerable informal interviews and discussions with people from all races and all walks of life and from different parts of the country.

5. We held our first public session on August 5, 1965. After a formal opening of the Inquiry, the Attorney-General addressed us for two days on behalf of the Government of British Guiana. We held public and private sessions on 12 days and our final public session was held on August 20, 1965. During the course of the Inquiry we received evidence or submissions, in public or private sessions, from the Attorney-General, from numerous public organizations, from holders of public offices, from private organizations and groups, and from many individuals. Many of these groups and individuals gave evidence in support of memoranda which they had previously submitted, whilst others gave evidence without having submitted a memorandum. The names of those persons and organizations who gave evidence at formal sittings of the Commission are set forth in Appendix IV.

6. In the course of our investigations we visited many parts of the country, including areas respectively inhabited primarily by East Indians, by Africans, by Amerindians, and by persons of different races. We were shown land settlement schemes, sugar factories and rice plantations. During these visits we had an opportunity of speaking with people engaged in various pursuits. We saw at first hand the conditions of life of many sections of the community. At Lusignan and other places we saw and were told of the problems of persons displaced by the recent disturbances. We also had numerous discussions with representatives of Local Authorities and with District Commissioners. In Georgetown we met people from many walks of life. Our meetings with these people and the expressions of opinion and views furnished to us gave us valuable help in reaching the conclusions that we have made. By the completion of the Inquiry we felt certain that the material that we had gathered from these various sources reflected all shades of racial and political opinion throughout the country.

7. The evidence we received from political Parties included written memoranda and oral submissions on behalf of the Government and the United Force. The People's Progressive Party indicated well before our arrival that it would boycott the Commission of Inquiry. Following the announcement of the terms of reference in June 1965, the Party issued a press statement declaring its dissatisfaction with the terms of reference, in the course of which it said the following:

"...More particularly, the P.P.P. declares that it is strongly opposed to the terms of reference of the I.C.J. team which were obviously drawn to sidetrack the core of issue as to imbalance. The Commission's terms of reference relate to a probe into the procedures for selection, appointment, promotion and dismissal in the service and 'to make such recommendations to correct any such procedure with a view to the elimination of imbalance based on racial discrimination'. The procedures for selection, etc., to the services have not been called in question as being pivotal issue in this matter. The issue is that there is an imbalance in the most important of all services - the security and police services. This was admitted by the Colonial Office. The issue therefore is how to correct it. To narrow investigation and recommendation to procedure is an attempt to side-track the vital issue. It is a retraction of the undertaking given by the Colonial Office to the previous Government. It is purely an attempt at window-dressing in which, it is regretted, an international body is being misused."

A written invitation was extended to Dr. Cheddi Jagan, Leader of the Party and of the Opposition, to attend at either a public or private sitting of the Commission and to make any submissions he might wish relating to the subject matter of the Inquiry. This invitation was declined. We are of the opinion that the failure on the part of the People's Progressive Party to submit a written memorandum or present oral evidence did not deprive us of any material or expression of opinion which it was desirable or essential to have for a complete investigation of the matters under inquiry. In particular, it did not deprive us of the opinions of a cross-section of the Indian population from which the People's Progressive Party draws its main support. We received evidence, in public or in private, from a number of Indian organizations and from many individuals. The Mirror, which is the Party's newspaper, carried a number of articles which set forth the Party's views on the topics we were investigating. We were also referred by this source to material which the Party considered to be relevant to the Inquiry. We investigated such material and gave full consideration to so much of it as was relevant to the terms of reference.

8. Throughout our stay in British Guiana, both in Georgetown and in the various country areas that we visited, we were received with the utmost kindness and cordiality and every assistance was given to us. We should like to express our sincere gratitude to the many people who showed us such kind hospitality, both in Georgetown and in the country areas that we visited, and to those persons who arranged and assisted in our visits to various places. We are also indebted to the members of the Attorney-General's Department and the Premier's Department and other Government Departments for the valuable part they played in providing us with excellent facilities throughout the course of the Inquiry and who Were always ready to render us every assistance. We were gratified by the extensive public interest shown in the Inquiry. This was reflected in the number of constructive and helpful memoranda that were submitted to us, by the number of persons and groups who gave evidence, and by the fact that the public gallery was full at most of the public sessions of the Commission.

9. This Commission of Inquiry wishes to record its appreciation of the invaluable assistance it received in all its activities from its Registrar, Mr. David Sagar.
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10. For the purpose of making known this Commission's interpretation of the scope of the terms of reference (which have been set out in paragraph 1 of this Report), the Commission issued the following public statement at Georgetown on August 9, 1965:

"For the information of persons tendering evidence or making submissions to this Commission of Inquiry and in order to clear up any misunderstanding on the matter, the Commission wishes to point out that it is charged by its terms of reference with the following matters:

Firstly, an examination of the balance between the races in (a) the security forces, (b) the Civil Service, (c) Government agencies or undertakings (including land settlement schemes), and (d) other areas of Governmental responsibility.

Secondly, an inquiry as to whether existing procedures relating to the selection, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service of persons engaged in these public services encourage or lead to racial discrimination.

Thirdly, a report as to how such procedures should be corrected (having due regard to the need to maintain efficiency and to uphold the public interest), so as to eliminate any imbalance in these services based on racial discrimination.

It will be seen therefore that every kind of imbalance, present or future, in the public services concerned, which has the effect of being harmful to the public interest by operating unfairly against any racial group within the society falls within the scope of the Commission's terms of reference."

11. We interpret the word "balance" in the first part of the terms of reference as meaning only "racial proportions ", i.e. the actual racial structures in the area under inquiry, including a comparison between the numerical participations of the racial groups.

12. (a) For the purpose of giving effect to the second and third parts of the terms of reference it is necessary to define the terms " imbalance" and "racial discrimination ", which are used there. As has been stated by Professor G. W. Roberts in his memorandum on the racial composition of the public service (see Appendix V):

"The term 'imbalance' implies some departure from a standard or norm and presumably, in the present context, its obverse, 'balance', should imply conformity with such a standard or norm. Part of the difficulty surrounding an inquiry of this nature will inevitably centre around the determination of such norms."

The term "imbalance" implies the existence or possible existence of a balance which amounts to a fixed criterion of participation of the different racial groups in the fields concerned, and that such criterion is proportional to the numerical strength of the various racial groups. We are of the opinion that it is neither possible nor desirable to fix such an absolute standard of racial participation. It is not required by the existing Constitution of British Guiana or by international law. We are convinced that any attempt to fix an absolute standard of racial participation in the public services would lead to arbitrary procedures which would, in the long run, retard racial harmony in the community. The only effective interpretation that we find possible to give to the term "imbalance" in part 3 of the terms of reference is that it connotes an unduly high or unduly low numerical participation of any racial group by comparison with the participation of other racial groups. We do not consider that such disproportionate participation is in itself undesirable; but it is necessary to give full weight to the existence or non-existence of such a fact in determining whether or not racial discrimination exists.

12. (b) In defining the term" racial discrimination "we have had regard to its use in a variety of documents. Article 11 of the present Constitution of British Guiana protects persons against disabilities or restrictions on grounds of, inter alia, race. However, the term "racial discrimination" itself is not defined in the Constitution. The fundamental rights guaranteed by Part I of the Constitution, which includes Article 11, are based on the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of the Council of Europe. This is turn derives from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations, which is also lacking in a definition of "racial discrimination".

On November 20, 1963, the General Assembly of the United Nations unanimously adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and this Declaration is reproduced in Appendix VI. This Declaration does not contain any definition of "racial discrimination ". However, on March 13, 1964, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights adopted a Draft International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and this Draft Convention does define the term. The definition, which is contained in Article I of the Draft Convention, is as follows:

"In this Convention the term 'racial discrimination' shall mean any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, (national) or ethnic. origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life. (In this paragraph the expression 'national origin' does not cover the status of any person as a citizen of a given State.)"

Article 5 of the Draft Convention and also Article 6 of Resolution No. 1904 of the General Assembly (XVIII) treat the right of equal access to public service of a country as a political right.[1]

This Commission of Inquiry interprets and applies the term "racial discrimination" as it has been defined above. It is to be noted that this definition makes no reference to the necessity to maintain the efficiency of the public services or to the public interest, but by reason of the references to these matters in the terms of reference we have had regard to them in making our recommendations. It is also to be noted that a finding of the existence of racial discrimination does not necessarily imply the existence of any conduct deliberately aimed at producing racial discrimination. It is sufficient to justify such a finding if any procedure has that effect.

13. The expression "other areas of Governmental responsibility" is wide enough to cover, not alone official Government services, agencies and undertakings, but also the manifold activities in which the Government assumes or is entitled by law to assume some responsibility. It would obviously be impossible to investigate all of these, but in any case no complaints were received in respect of any Governmental activity other than those dealt with in this Report.

[Note]:
1. See also United Nations studies on Discrimination Questions: (a) The Study of the Secretary-General-The Main Types and Causes of Discrimination - Sales Nr. 1949 XIV/3; (b) H. S. Cruz, Study of Discrimination in the Matter of Political Rights, Sales Nr. 63.XIV/2; (c) The General Assembly Resolution and Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, of December 14, 1960; (d) The ILO Convention 111 concerning Discrimination in Respect of Employment and Occupation.
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14. Any investigation of the present-day disposition of the various racial groups in British Guiana must take full cognizance of the many factors which make up the background of the picture presented by a. portrayal of the community in terms of its racial components.

15. The early European settlers of the area now known as British Guiana found an indigenous population - now called Amerindians - who were of little help to the colonists, whose primary concern was the successful cultivation of their plantations. For this they needed an adequate and settled labour force. The Amerindians had neither the physical stature nor the mental aptitude for the life of a plantation labourer; they preferred to pursue their traditional tribal, semi-nomadic way of life. They have continued to this day to occupy a minor role in the life of British Guiana, living for the most part in the interior, away from the centres of power and turmoil. We found no evidence of racial discrimination against them. On the contrary, Article 11 of the present Constitution of British Guiana, recognizing their weak and exploitable condition, envisages and permits official action which amounts to racial discrimination in their favour. The present official treatment of Amerindians is humane and enlightened; but much more requires to be done. They will require to be educated, both academically and in agricultural and other skills, in their native areas for a considerable time before they can be fully integrated into the life of the community. It is to be hoped that such security as they now enjoy will not be diminished by any constitutional changes.

16. To fill the need for labour, the colonists turned to the African slave market. Large numbers of slaves were imported, largely from West Africa, and it was this labour force that made possible the development of the fertile coastal area. The slave trade was not abolished until 1807 and slavery itself did not disappear until 1838. It was the influx of slaves in large numbers that established the plantation as the economic basis of colonial society in British Guiana. The Negro or Afro-Guianese element in the present-day population of British Guiana stems almost entirely from these slaves; for brevity we refer to them as Africans.

17. Upon the abolition of slavery, the invariable desire of the freed slaves was to leave the plantations on which they had worked as slaves and to establish themselves in village communities where they exercised their agricultural skills. Between 1838 and 1852 many African villages were established in which the former African slaves became small land-holders whose subsistence depended on the wages they earned on the sugar plantations. But the flight from the plantations had created a fresh labour crisis.

18. To remedy the labour difficulties, a series of immigration schemes was introduced. The basis of these schemes was that the immigrants were bound by indenture to work on the plantations for a wage, and at the end of the period of indenture there was the hope of returning home with their savings. Apart from the fact that they were earning wages and could entertain the hope of an end to their peonage, their conditions were not very different from those of the slaves they had replaced.

19. The first indentured immigrants were predominantly of European stock, mainly Portuguese from the island of Madeira. Few of these Portuguese proved suited to the life of a plantation labourer. Tropical diseases took a heavy toll; some returned home at the end of the period of indenture; while those who remained on moved mainly into the retail trades and quickly made their mark. For the most part, the Portuguese element in today's population is descended from these Portuguese immigrants from Madeira. The estimated number of Portuguese in British Guiana on December 31, 1964, was 6,380. Although the Portuguese have suffered from discriminatory treatment in the past, no complaint was addressed to us of any discrimination against them in the recent past or at present.

20. The indentured immigrants of European stock having failed to supply the labour needed on the plantations, an effort was made to fill the want by indenturing immigrants from China. They also failed to adapt themselves to plantation life. Some sickened and died, some returned home when their indentures were up, and most of those who remained on moved in time into business or the professions or the Civil Service. Nearly all the Chinese in British Guiana today (an estimated 3,910 on December 31, 1964), are descended from these early immigrants. We heard no complaint of racial discrimination against them in the areas covered by our terms of reference.

21. Indentured immigration from India commenced in 1838 and was part of a larger scheme of migration to areas such as Fiji, Mauritius, South Africa and Trinidad. A system of recruitment was built up in India and there was a fairly steady inflow of Indian immigrants up to 1917, when British Guiana ceased to be an importer of indentured labour. Between 1838 and 1917, 238,960 contract immigrants arrived from India; of these 75,547 were repatriated on official repatriation schemes between 1843 and 1949. The Indians were the most successful and substantial body of immigrants on the plantations, and they are the foundation of the present Indian population of British Guiana. In official statistics and elsewhere they are sometimes described as "East Indians" to distinguish them from the American Indians or Amerindians. In this re ort we commonly refer to them as "Indians ".

22. The position of the Indian immigrants in British Guiana in the nineteenth century has been summed up as follows (Smith, British Guiana, p. 47):

"No real 'problem' of integrating East Indians into the developing Guianese creole society arose during the nineteenth century. For the most part they were segregated on the plantations where they lived either in old slave "logies" or in new but almost equally cramped barrack blocks. The proportion of women introduced was usually low, which gave rise to a certain instability in family life, and many immigrants took advantage of the guaranteed return passage at the end of their contract so that there was a good deal of coming and going. Christian missions to the Indians made relatively little headway and the planters encouraged the retention of Hinduism and Islam by helping with the building of mosques and temples. Indian children were rarely sent to school; the parents preferred them to go to work as soon as possible and the planters were only too pleased to have the extra labour."

The tendency of the Indians was to stay aloof from the society about them. Thus, while the Africans after emancipation took a leading part in the development of the new creole society, the Indians lived apart as transients in an alien land.

23. The Indian way of life in British Guiana has to date been predominantly agricultural. For the most part the Indians have lived on the sugar estates or in villages close to the estates or on rice farms. On the other hand, the Africans, the "Mixed" or "Coloured", the Portuguese, the Chinese and the Europeans or Whites have predominated in the towns.

24. Consequent on the abolition of slavery, the Africans, whenever possible, turned their backs on plantation life. Education in the mission schools provided them with the means of improving their social and economic standing, while the growth of public services on central and local levels gave them opportunities of new careers. As the English tended to withdraw from the colony - mainly because of the decline of the sugar industry - and as the activities of the central government spread, the Africans moved gradually into new ways of life: the Civil Service, the police, the teaching profession, medicine, skilled trades, etc. Meanwhile, the Indians remained agricultural and uneducated, alien and socially disinterested.

25. Different reasons have been advanced for the tardiness of the Indian community in seeking to overtake the Africans into the middle class way of life. Social historians have suggested that they subordinated a desire for success in British Guiana to an expectation of returning to India; that they scorned mission-school education as a menace to their religious beliefs and social standards; that their large families encouraged juvenile marriages and child labour; that they preferred the economic challenge of being self-employed to earning a wage or salary; that they did not possess the physical qualifications for certain occupations, such as the police; that it was the policy of the planter-colonial oligarchy to keep the Indians backward, agricultural and uneducated so as to ensure a supply of agricultural labour for the sugar and rice industries. Whatever be the correct priority of reasons, the fact remains that up to a few decades ago the Indians constituted an extensive, uneducated and economically depressed section of the community.

26. Notwithstanding the steady advancement of the Africans while the growing Indian population remained in a state of comparative social and economic stagnation, the two racial groups lived together in harmony, due no doubt in part to the habit of common preoccupation with the traditional aspects of colonial rule. The end of the Second World War, however, was to herald a series of changes which have radically affected the social, political and economic life of British Guiana.

27. In 1945 there was begun the spectacularly successful campaign for the control of malaria by D.D.T. The resulting fall in the death rate and increase in the population have been most marked in the case of the fertile Indians. Between 1946 and 1964 the Indian population jumped from 163,000 to 320,000, while the African increase was from 143,000 to 200,000. In 1947 India obtained her independence, and in 1950 Pandit Nehru declared that Indians domiciled overseas should no longer look to India as their homeland, but should give their primary allegiance to the land of their domicile. In British Guiana, as in British overseas possessions the world over, the possibility of independence began to be canvassed, and nationalistic politics began to ferment in the colony. The other racial groups became aware of a quickened and more widespread participation by Indians in all aspects of life in British Guiana.

28. It may be said that the existence of a "racial problem" in British Guiana came to be noticed as a political factor about the year 1950. By then some Africans had begun to fear that if the Indian economic and social progress continued it would menace the advancement they had made. The Indians, on the other hand, felt that their newly-found desire to enter public services, such as the Civil Service and the police, was being thwarted by the fact that the Africans were already predominant in those services and that the conditions of entry were restrictive or discriminatory. These fears have to be viewed against the background of an economy which was not sufficiently buoyant or expansionist to allay fears of economic insecurity.

29. The British Guiana Constitution Report of 1951 (The Waddington Report) had this to say of the racial situation at that time:

"Indian aloofness has now given place to a realization of their permanent place in Guianese life and to a demand for equal participation in it. This claim, reinforced by their growing literacy, leads them to compete for positions which they have not hitherto sought. This challenge from an able and energetic people has stimulated the other races into closing their ranks. Race is a patent difference and is a powerful slogan ready to the hand of unscrupulous men who can use it as a stepping stone to political power. Race, too, is easily identifiable with nationalism, which in recent years has been emergent among all colonial peoples. For the Indian peoples, moreover, it has received a particular stimulus from the advent of independence to the Indian sub-continent. The Indians, too, derive from an ancient culture of their own, and some among them may be inclined to pay homage to their heritage merely as a cover under which to condone racial attitudes. None deprecates this more strongly than the Government of India which has formally declared that those of Indian race who have settled permanently in an overseas territory owe to it their main allegiance. Pandit Nehru himself has said that Indians must make their choice between Indian and local nationality, and that 'they cannot enjoy the privileges of both nationalities'. If Indians seek a free and equal participation in the life of British Guiana, it is manifestly wrong that they should look continually over their shoulders towards a Mother Country with which their present life and polity has little contact.

"We do not, however, wish it to be thought that life in British Guiana is dominated by racial tension, or that there are not many heartening signs of the development of a genuine Guianese outlook. Racialism has its roots in economic fear, although a system of government under which political life carries prestige rather than responsibility may have stimulated its growth. We were, however, impressed by the amity with which peoples of all races live side by side in the villages, where mutual dependence is, of necessity, recognized. It was reassuring to find that racialism spoke with a hesitant voice in public, and that virtually no proposals for communal representation were made to us. Communalism is too often the confession of a failure to live together in mutual respect and gives rise to greater problems than those it seeks to compose ".

30. The British Guiana Constitution Report of 1954 (the Robertson Report) formed a more pessimistic impression of the racial antagonisms which it saw developing between the Africans and the Indians. It reported as follows:

"Guianese of African extraction were not afraid to tell us that many Indians in British Guiana looked forward to the day when British Guiana would be a part not of the British Commonwealth but of an East Indian Empire. The result has been a tendency for racial tension to increase, and we have reluctantly reached the conclusion that the amity 'with which', as the Waddington Report said, 'people of all races live, side by side in the villages' existed more in the past; today the relationships are strained; they present an outward appearance which masks feelings of suspicion and distrust. We do not altogether share the confidence of the Waddington Commission that a comprehensive loyalty to British Guiana can be stimulated among peoples of such diverse origins. There is little evidence of any coalescing process of inter-marriage between the Indian and African components of the population."

31. The People's Progressive Party (P.P.P.) was founded in 1950, with Mr. Burnham as Chairman, Dr. Jagan as Leader, and Mrs. Jagan as Secretary. It described itself as a broad, democratic alliance of socialists, communists and native capitalists. It appealed to no single racial group, and before long it had established a multi-racial popularity throughout the country. At the general election in April 1953, it was returned to power, but within six months the British Government suspended the Constitution.

32. In 1955, Mr. Burnham and his supporters broke with the P.P.P. and formed the People's National Congress (P.N.C.). Since then, the P.P.P. has been a party, led by Dr. Jagan, which has appealed almost exclusively to Indians; while the P.N.C., led by Mr. Burnham, has sought and found its support primarily amongst Africans. The power struggle between these two parties has greatly exacerbated the racial tensions between the Africans and the Indians. Speaking at the end of the British Guiana Conference in London in 1963, Mr. Duncan Sandys, Secretary of State for the Colonies, said:

"There is no deep-rooted or historical enmity between the races; nor is there any basic clash of interests between them; nor is there animosity between the religious groups: Christian, Hindu and Muslim.

"The root of the trouble lies almost entirely in the development of party politics along racial lines. In its present acute form this can be traced to the split in the country's main political party in 1955. It was then that the People's Progressive Party, which had previously drawn its support from both the main races, broke into two bitterly opposed political groups, the one predominantly Indian, led by Dr. Jagan, and the other predominantly African, led by Mr. Burnham. Both parties have, for their political ends, fanned the racial emotions of their followers, with the result that each has come to be regarded as the champion of one race and the enemy of the other.

"In this atmosphere of mutual suspicion objectivity has entirely disappeared. Every political act is, or is alleged to be, dictated by racial prejudice. The Africans accuse the Government Party of governing in the interests only of Indians, and demand a share in political decisions. On the other side, the Indians accuse the Police, which is mainly African, of partiality towards the Africans and demand the creation of a separate defence force, recruited more extensively from the Indian community, to counterbalance the Police."

33. The Constitution was reinstated in 1957, and the P.P.P., having won the elections held in that year, again entered the Executive Council and remained in Government until December 1964, when elections, held for the first time under a system of proportional representation (which was introduced by the British Government), returned to power the present Government which is a coalition of the P.N.C. and the United Force (U.F.). The next step is to be a constitutional conference in London and the fixing of a date for independence.

34. Unhappily, the fears expressed by observers that British Guiana was moving towards a dangerous stage of racialism and communalism have been realized by the events of recent years. 1962 saw political differences degenerate into arson, looting and violence which resulted in five deaths and the destruction of property in Georgetown worth about $1½ million. Only the arrival of British troops restored order. In 1963 there was an eighty day general strike which brought immense loss to the country. It also led to violence, and British troops had once again to be called in. The worst outbreak of violence between the Africans and the Indians took place in 1964. Labour disputes on the sugar plantations developed into widespread racial violence. Over 130 people were killed, thousands were rendered homeless, and there were widespread bombings, arson, looting and violence of various kinds. There is at present an uneasy peace; and British troops are back in the country. The extent of the racial bitterness, and the depths of violence to which it descended, shocked and surprised many people. There have been left as an aftermath feelings of fear and distrust, particularly among the Indians, who suffered most in the disturbances of 1964.

35. This Commission of Inquiry has been called into existence after complaints had been made, mainly by Dr. Jagan and the P.P.P., that there is a racial imbalance in the security forces and in the public services, with consequent racial discrimination. An offer, made in January 1965 by the British Government to appoint a Commission of Inquiry, was rejected by the Premier of British Guiana on the ground that such a Commission would not be consonant with the self-governing status of British Guiana. Having heard or read the submissions and opinions of representatives of all sections of the community, we find that the complaint is basically an Indian one, namely, that Africans have been and are excessively represented in the security forces and other public services, and that this has resulted in racial discrimination against Indians. This is the problem that is investigated in more specific detail in the succeeding chapters of this Report.

36. Recently, the P.P.P. has said that the imbalance and discrimination complained of are political and not racial. This seems to be a distinction of little importance at present, since Africans almost invariably give their political allegiance to the P.N.C. and Indians to the P.P.P. While that unfortunate identity of political and racial cleavage exists, it would be of little point to seek to discover whether Indian grievances are basically racial or political in origin. It is more important to discover whether or not they encourage or lead to racial discrimination.

37. The problems we have sought to elucidate in this investigation have had to be considered in the light of the historical, economic, political, constitutional, social and demographic factors. For these, we have drawn on many sources, written and oral. In particular, we have received valuable assistance from a memorandum on the racial composition of British Guiana's public service prepared by Professor G. W. Roberts, who holds the Chair of Demography in the Department of Sociology in the University of the West Indies in Jamaica, which was presented as part of the submissions of the Government of British Guiana. It is reproduced in Appendix V, together with correspondence explaining its compilation.

38. The tabular statistics at the end of the chapters are from those presented by the Government of British Guiana from official sources (unless where otherwise stated). Subject to the difficulties of clear definition of racial identity in a multi-racial society in which some miscegenation has always taken place, they have been put forward as accurate compilations.

TABLE I

Racial Distribution of the Population in 1946 and 1960

* In the 1946 Census this group was described as "Portuguese" and "Other European".
** In the 1946 Census this group was included in "Other".

TABLE II

Racial Distribution of the Population on 31st December, 1964 (Provisional)
* In official statistics Portuguese are classified as a separate ethnic group

TABLE III

The Racial Percentages in the Security Forces, the Civil Service, Government Agencies and Undertakings and Areas of Government Responsibility
* Includes Amerindians
** Includes Portuguese

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39. The security forces of British Guiana consist of the Police Force, including the Special and Rural Constabularies and the Supernumerary Police, the British Guiana Volunteer Force and the Special Service Unit. The racial composition of these Forces is set out in Table IV at the end of this Chapter.

The Police Force

(a) Historical Development

40. The history of the Police Force is described in W. A. Orrett's The History of the British Guiana Police Force, published in 1951. It was established by an Ordinance of June 11, 1839, entitled "An Ordinance to Establish an Effective System of Police within British Guiana". Among the various modifications of the laws governing the Police Force the most important is the Ordinance of 1891 by which the Force was converted into a semi-military force forming part of the defence forces of the country; this provision has been modified by the legislation now in force.

(b) Legal Basis and Function

41. The Police Force is at present governed by the Police Ordinance 1957 (Ordinance No. 39 of 1957, referred to in this Chapter as "The Ordinance"). By Section 3 (2) of the Ordinance the objects of the Force are:

"The prevention and detection of crime, the preservation of law and order, the preservation of the peace, the repression of internal disturbance, the protection of property, the apprehension of offenders and the due enforcement of all laws with which it is directly charged."

The same Section requires it in addition to:
"perform such military duties within British Guiana as may be required of it by or under the authority of the Governor."

(c) The Police Service Commission and the Police Federation

42. The Police Service Commission is an independent body established under the Constitution, the relevant Articles being Arts. 99 to 104. It consists of a Chairman, the Commissioner of Police and such other members, being not more than three, as the Governor may decide. The members of the Commission other than the Commissioner of Police are appointed by the Governor after consultation with the Premier. As at present constituted, the Police Service Commission consists of two Europeans, one African and two Indians.

At present the Police Service Commission's powers are limited to making recommendations to the Governor on the appointment, dismissal and disciplining of senior police officers, on the determination of appeals from the Commissioner of Police, and in respect of training. It is, however, intended that it will in due course become directly responsible for the appointment and disciplinary control of the senior personnel of the Force. It is assisted by a Secretariat which is the same as that for the Public Service Commission.

We are of the opinion that the Police Service Commission fulfils its constitutional duties with complete objectivity.

43. The Police Federation was founded in 1950 by Section 66 of the Police Ordinance then in force for the purpose of representing the interests of the lower ranks of the Police Force. It is now governed by Section 50 of the Ordinance. It has no power to make representations in relation to any matter of discipline, promotion, transfer or leave, or any other matter affecting individuals; therefore its activities can be left out of our investigations.

(d) Racial Composition of the Police Force

44. Statistics relevant to the racial composition of the Police Force are shown by Tables V and VI.

45. Prior to 1960, no effort was made to recruit entrants to the Force on a racial basis and applicants were accepted solely on a competitive basis. Until this time the number of Indian applicants was small in comparison with those of African origin, and consequently the overall racial distribution of the Force was approximately 80% Africans and 20% other ethnic groups. Until this stage this practice appears to have been accepted by the community at large; no allegations were made that members of the Force were either too forceful in carrying out their duties in relation to particular racial groups, or too sympathetic in their approach to the racial group most widely represented in the Force. It was accepted that the African liked the disciplined way of life offered by service in the Force and, conversely, the Indian preferred other forms of occupation that were perhaps less regimented.

46. As a result of decisions made by the Police Council (a high-level Governmental body concerned with the provision, maintenance and administration of the Force) an effort was made during 1960 to encourage young men from all racial groups to join the Force, and to this end a recruiting campaign was conducted. This effort had some measure of success, and during the period January 15, 1960, to August 5, 1961, a total of 251 recruits joined the Force, 77 of whom were other than African, i.e. 30%.

47. In 1961, a more positive effort was made on the direction of the then Minister of Home Affairs to improve the percentage of racial groups other than African, and it was decided that all recruitment into the Force, would be on the basis of 50% Africans and 50% other racial groups. This policy has been maintained to date, and since November 1, 1961, out of a total of 294 recruits entering the Force 142 have been of racial origin other than African. The discrepancy of 10 is accounted for by the recruitment of specialists such as mechanics, bandsmen and others to whom the 50/50 principle cannot always be applied.

(e) Recruitment

48. Recruits are taken into the Force at two levels:
(i) Constable
(ii) Cadet Officer

(i) Recruit Constables

49. The power to make appointments to the Force below the rank of Inspector is vested in the Commissioner. Selection for recruitment into the Force is therefore a matter for the Commissioner, but certain general criteria for selection have been established. Applicants to the Force must be of good character, free of criminal convictions, physically fit and not deformed, and should meet the following requirements:

Males
Height               5' 8"
Weight              135 lbs
Chest                34"
Age                  18-25 years
Unmarried

Females
Height               5' 4"
Age                  18-30 years
Unmarried

Should an applicant be below the required physical standard, he or she may nevertheless be considered for selection if in possession of educational qualifications above the average or if qualified vocationally, e.g. as shorthand/typist, driver/mechanic, launch engineer or captain. Applicants for recruitment apply in their own handwriting and are interviewed throughout the country by officers on the spot designated by the officer responsible for recruitment - the Assistant Commissioner (Training and Operations). This interview is confined to recording his particulars, checking his qualifications and examining two written testimonials from persons of standing who know the character and background of the applicant. If he is considered suitable, the applicant is written to two or three weeks later by the Education Department asking him to attend a written examination. This is set by the Education Department and consists of two papers in Arithmetic, two papers in English and one in General Knowledge. A 60% pass in this examination is required. The examination papers are then marked by the Department of Education, and the Commissioner of Police is informed of the results. The process of marking takes, on an average, about six weeks and sometimes more. It should be noted that prior to late 1963, this examination was set and marked by the Police; no simultaneous examination was held, and different examination papers were used for different areas. Since 1964, when the responsibility for setting and marking these examination papers passed to the Education Department, a simultaneous examination is held in all parts of the country using the same set of papers.

The successful candidate is then asked to attend the Police Training School before a Board of Police Officers for an interview about two weeks later. The Board consists of the Deputy Commissioner, the Assistant Commissioner (Administration) and the Commandant of the Police Training School. At present two of these three officers are African and the other (Deputy Commissioner) is a Guianese of mixed parentage. If he surmounts this hurdle, the candidate is asked to attend a medical examination about two weeks later. The results of this (X-ray and blood tests) are made known to Police Headquarters after approximately another two weeks, and if satisfactory, he is then instructed to report to the Police Training School in Georgetown to commence training.

The result of these procedures is that

(1) the system for processing applications to join the Force as Constable can take as long as four months;
(2) at present the interviewers before whom he appears are almost exclusively African police officers; and
(3) recruitment is normally confined to unmarried men.

(ii) Cadet Officers

50. Applicants for direct entry into the Force at the level of Cadet Officer are required to be Guianese between 20 and 25 years of age and to possess passes in five G.C.E. "O" level subjects of which one must be English, and to have taken and passed three of these subjects at one sitting. They are selected by the Police Service Commission and undergo training in the United Kingdom for about six months. On return to the Force they serve for a further eighteen months on probation before being confirmed as Cadet Officers, and then for a further two years on probation before being confirmed as Assistant Superintendents.

This system was introduced in December, 1957, and between then and 1961, when the 50/50 principle for the recruitment of Constables as between Africans and others was introduced, one mixed and two African Cadets were recruited. Since 1961, three Africans and one Indian have been recruited.

(f) Promotion

51. Responsibility for promotion to the ranks of Corporal and Sergeant rests with the Commissioner of Police. In the case of promotion to Corporal, the qualifications are:

(i) a minimum of four years service;
(ii) a pass in a written qualifying examination set and marked by the Commandant of the Police Training School.

The names of Constables who possess these qualifications and who are considered to be fit for advancement to the rank of Corporal are submitted by Divisional Commanders to the Commissioner. In addition, the names of any Constables who have fifteen years service or over but who have not passed the qualifying examination may also be submitted. These men then attend an "extended interview" at the Police Training School which lasts for five days at the end of which they are assessed and graded by a Selection Board normally consisting of the Deputy Commissioner, the Assistant Commissioner (Administration), the Assistant Commissioner (Crime), the Headquarters Staff Officer, the Commandant of the Training School and one other officer.

52. In the case of promotion to Sergeant, candidates are merely required to be successful in the five-day "extended interview" at the Training School, and before the same Selection Board as in the case of promotion to Corporal, and recommendations as to who should attend the interview are put up to the Commissioner by Divisional Commanders.

53. Promotion to the rank of Inspector and above is the responsibility of the Governor acting on the advice of the Police Service Commission.

(g) Training

54. The methods of training are as follows:

(i) Recruit Training: In the case of Constables this is done at the Police Training School and consists of six months at the School, fifteen months in the field and a final two months at the School. For the training of Cadet Officers see para. 50.
(ii) Promotion Training: This is limited to the "extended interview" for Corporals and Sergeants referred to in paras. 51 and 52.
(iii) Refresher Training: No provision for systematic refresher training exists at present.
(iv) Training Facilities: We received evidence that the capacity of the existing Training School is too small, and has inadequate training facilities.

(h) Method of Selection of Officers for Training Overseas

55. Statistics provided by the Government show that between 1953 and 1964 seventy-one African officers were selected for and sent on training courses overseas, compared with eleven Indians and five "others". The selection of officers for overseas training is made in the first instance by the Commissioner of Police, advised by his senior headquarters staff; the names of those selected are then passed to the Police Service Commission for final approval. There is no statutory Selection Board and selection is made by the Commissioner on an officer's personal record. The candidates are not personally interviewed.

(i) Conditions of Service

56. In a large number of stations office accommodation is inadequate. In many cases the officer in charge and his subordinate staff, such as investigating officers, occupy one room only, to which members of the public also come with any business they wish to transact. The result is that in these cramped conditions the police cannot perform their duties as they should, nor can the public be treated by the police as they should be.

57. Living accommodation for the unmarried Constable is generally adequate, and the barrack rooms in which the men live are large and airy. Although of wooden construction they are in a reasonably sound condition, but their appearance could be improved. These remarks also apply to most of the office accommodation.

58. In the two vital spheres of transport and signals, some stations which should be provided with a vehicle or more than one vehicle do not have them at all, and the availability of efficient wireless equipment properly installed and maintained is limited. Our impression is that the mobility (transport) of the Force and its communications (wireless) require immediate examination with a view to improvement and expansion. A modern force "lives" by good communications, i.e. by its ability to move quickly and reliably in the necessary numbers, and by its ability to pass information speedily and safely.

59. The last salary revision was made in 1961 as part of a revision for the whole of the Government Service. While the bachelor Constable may not be too badly off today, it is unlikely that a married man with a family is able to save anything out of his monthly salary. We were informed that the recent adjustment of the basic wage for all workers in British Guiana puts an unskilled labourer (who may be employed, for example, on cutting the grass and cleaning drains in a police station compound) on a pay not very different from that of a Constable at the bottom of the salary scale for this rank. This is highly undesirable for obvious reasons, even when allowance is made for the free quarters and uniform which the Constable enjoys.

(j) Dismissal

60. By Article 103 of the Constitution, and Section 34 of the Ordinance, power to discharge any subordinate Officer or Constable is vested in the Commissioner of Police, with a right of appeal to the Governor, who is required to act on the recommendation of the Police Service Commission in deciding the appeal. In respect of Officers above the rank of Chief Inspector, power to dismiss is vested in the Governor acting on the recommendation of the Police Service Commission.

Conclusions relating to the Police Force

61. It is clear from the foregoing that there is a marked preponderance of Africans in the Police Force. It is also clear that, unless there is a crash programme of recruitment of Indians on a very large scale, this situation will continue for some time. In his memorandum to us, the Commissioner of Police stated that if the present policy of recruitment on a 50/50 basis is continued, the proportion of non-Africans in the Force by the end of 1969 should be 35%.

62. In a society such as that of British Guiana today, where racial divisions are an important factor in political life, it is essential that the Police Force should broadly reflect the different races of the population, provided of course that adequate material from each racial group is available and willing to offer itself for service in the Force, the reason being that a preponderance of any one racial group in the Police Force may be harmful to the public interest in that members of the racial group or groups which are inadequately represented may have little trust or faith in the impartiality of the Force and may perhaps even fear them. It is thus desirable that the Police Force of British Guiana should broadly reflect the racial composition of the population if it is to command general confidence and support.

63. Certain factors in the present system for recruiting and training members of the Police Force might be held to encourage or lead to discrimination against potential or actual Indian applicants. Amongst these are:

(a) The requirements as to height and chest measurements automatically exclude a large number of Indians who, as a race, are smaller than the Africans
(b) The requirement that recruits should normally be unmarried militates against the Indians, who customarily marry at a younger age than the Africans;
(c) The screening of applications and interviewing of applicants is done almost entirely by Africans. The Board of Police Officers, which conducts the final interview, consists at present of two Africans and one person of mixed race.
(d) The Indians, who are largely Hindus, have to comply with religious dietary laws which are not always easy to follow when living in barracks. Though we were assured that the catering takes account of the Indians, dietary needs, the fear that they will be unable to keep the commandments of their faith does appear to be a discouraging factor for the Indians.

64. The present position is that there are not sufficient Indians in the Police Force for it to command the general support of the population a whole. There is a need to increase the recruitment of Indians, and this should be done at the two normal levels of recruitment, i.e. Constable and Cadet Officer level.

65. We reject the possibility of a crash intake of a large number of Indians, for a number of reasons. Quite apart from the question of its constitutionality, it is undesirable in that it would tend to entrench the principle of racial quotas, which we feel to be inherently undesirable; it would further be likely to lead to a lowering of standards and a reduction of morale within the Force; there is also the insuperable difficulty that the facilities for training, housing and equipping a large number of recruits are not available.

66. We are extremely reluctant to appear to endorse or encourage the entrenchment of a system of racial quotas for recruitment into the Police Force - or indeed any other part of the public service. We recognize that such a system is discriminatory and if made permanent, is liable to underline and strengthen the very racial divisions it is intended to guard against; but in the special circumstances of this Police Force a temporary and limited recognition of racial quotas is unavoidable (see para. 69).

67. In the course of this Inquiry we have heard and read of complaints of inefficiency, partiality, indiscipline and other misconduct in the Police Force in recent years. We have not embarked on the necessarily lengthy fact-finding inquiry that would be required for an investigation of the accuracy of any of these complaints, because it was not necessary for our findings and was not envisaged by our terms of reference. But since we are required to report on police procedures at present, and to make recommendations as to their improvement in the future, it has been necessary for us to form at least a general opinion as to police performance in recent times. We have come to the conclusion that, while this Force is basically sound in morale, discipline and general performance of duty, the abnormal and quasi-military demands placed on it in the lawless conditions of the past few years proved too much for it on occasion; that some officers and men fell short of the required standard of conduct; and that the police were unable - understandably, because of the widespread and intense communal and individual violence - to prevent the extensive loss of life, personal injury, damage to property, homelessness and other misfortunes that befell the country. We found that the Indians (who suffered more than any other racial group in the disturbances of 1964) have in many cases lost confidence in the police, and that they tend to look on the Force as an African-dominated body that failed to protect them in an emergency. Confidence in the police has been undermined by their having to try to deal with a situation that was for them - and probably would be for any comparable police force -unmanageable, by the inefficiency or culpability of a limited number of policemen, and by a campaign to discredit them as a corrupt, inefficient and racially biased Force. While the present attitude towards the police amongst such a wide section of the people continues, it is impossible to expect them to serve, or the public to co-operate, in the manner necessary for the effective preservation of peace and order in the community. Where the true reasons for the present lack of rapport between the police and many of the people lie, we leave for others to discover. We record it as a fact that is fundamental to the recommendations in this Chapter.

Recommendations relating to the Police Force

68. We recommend that all possible steps be taken to facilitate Indian entry into the Police Force and to encourage Indians to apply for acceptance. A substantial increase in applications from suitably qualified Indians would in itself tend to an increased intake of Indian recruits. We recommend the following steps:

(a) The height and chest measurement requirements should be reduced to a level sufficient to permit of a substantial Indian intake. These requirements should also be made sufficiently flexible to ensure that otherwise suitable applicants - especially when they are so young as to be likely to develop physically - are not rejected on this ground alone. Recommendations of this nature have been made by the Trinidad and Tobago Commission of Inquiry into the Police Force (October 1964).
(b) The requirement that recruits be unmarried should be abolished.
(c) The recruitment procedure should be rationalized and made more speedy, particularly in regard to producing examination results.
(d) The interviewing and selection of applicants for recruitment should be entrusted to selection boards which should contain Indian as well as African and other officers.
(e) Steps should be taken to ensure that all Indian recruits and members of the Police Force are able to comply with their religious dietary laws.
(f) Conditions of service should be improved so as to make both living and working conditions more attractive. More married quarters should be provided.
(g) The rates of pay should be reviewed and increased to a level sufficient to attract both Indians and other non-Africans of sufficient calibre.

69. We are satisfied that the adoption of these recommendations should lead to a substantial increase in the number of qualified Indian applicants for appointment to the Police Force and to a substantial decrease in the number of Indians leaving the Force. Nevertheless, we recognize that the present position, which is the result of a combination of factors, is not satisfactory and is one that calls for special treatment. For this reason, we recommend that in each year for a period of 5 years, whenever the number of qualified applicants at Constable or Cadet Officer levels permits, 75% of the applicants accepted should be Indian, and 25% from other races. The full effectiveness of this recommendation will depend on the full implementation of the recommendations in para. 68, on an increase in the size of the Force, and on increased facilities for training, housing and equipping it. Such an increase in the size of the Force appears to us to be necessary in any event.

In view of the terms of Article 11 of the Constitution, this recommendation would appear to require a special constitutional provision to enable it to be put into effect. We considered whether it might not fall within the provisions of Article 11(2) (f), which is in the following terms:

"(2) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question makes provision-

(f) for imposing any disability or restriction or according any privilege or advantage that, having regard to its nature and to special circumstances pertaining to the persons to whom it applies, is reasonably justifiable in a democratic society."

However, we came to the conclusion that the proposed restriction imposed on the Africans and the advantage given to the Indians applying to join the Police Force could not be explained by reason of "special circumstances pertaining to the persons to whom they would apply", i.e. candidates for the Police Force; they would rather arise from special circumstances relating to the needs of the country as a whole.

70. In order .to ensure maximum co-operation between the police and the population, care should be taken to ensure that the police are deployed throughout the community in a manner which is likely to achieve harmonious relations with the different racial groups.

71. While we have, with reluctance, conceded the need for a quota intake for a limited period, we do not recommend a similar procedure with respect to promotion. This must be based on ability, experience and professional qualifications regardless of race.

72. We recommend that promotion to the rank of Inspector and above should be entrusted to the Police Service Commission; we have, been informed that this is the intention. It is earnestly to be desired that the Police Service Commission will continue to be composed of persons of integrity, standing in the community and experience, so that it commands the support of the community as a whole.

73. We recommend that promotion within the ranks be entrusted to a selection board which should contain Indian as well as African and ether officers.

74. We recommend further that the selection of officers for training overseas should be made by a similarly constituted board after personal interview of the candidates.

The Special Constabulary

75. Section 72 of the Police Ordinance, 1957, provides for a supple- mental body of police to be called the "Special Constabulary". The object of the establishment of the Special Constabulary is to have on call an additional body of police for the preservation of good order. Members may be called out for service by the Commissioner of Police or the Deputy or an Assistant Commissioner. The general command and superintendence of this Constabulary are vested in the Commissioner of Police, subject to the general orders and directions of the Governor. The power of appointment and dismissal is vested in the Governor in the case of officers, and in the Commissioner in all other cases. The Special Constabulary at present comprises 9 Officers and 426 other ranks, and the racial composition is shown in Table IV. Although the Commissioner of Police is responsible for the command and superintendence of the Constabulary, there is no fixed authorised establishment by ranks, and in practice enlistment and deployment appear to be the responsibility of Divisional Commanders (at present all are African, but one, who is Indian). The training of the Constabulary is sketchy and is carried out at Divisional level.

The Rural Constabulary

76. The Rural Constabulary was first established by Ordinance No. 8 of 1849. It is similar in function to the Special Constabulary but is employed only in rural areas. It is now regulated by Section 87 of the Police Ordinance, 1957, which provides that it is established so that its members may be capable:

(a) in time of peace, of acting as an efficient auxiliary to the Force in the performance of such of their ordinary duties as the Commissioner shall deem fit; and
(b) in time of internal disturbance or of external aggression, of at once assuming to the extent found requisite by the Commissioner the ordinary duties of the Force."

Rural Constables enjoy all the statutory privileges and immunities of members of the Police Force. The Commissioner of Police has power to call out members of the Rural Constabulary at any time for full-time duties with the Police Force. Officers of the Police Force may call them out in like manner in cases of emergency. The power of appointment and dismissal of Rural Constables lies with the Commissioner of Police. The Rural Constabulary at present comprises 618 men, the racial composition being shown in Table IV.

Supernumerary Police

71. The Commissioner of Police is empowered by Section 84 of the Police Ordinance, 1957, to appoint men as Supernumerary Constables, Subordinate Officers, Inspectors or Officers in any case where any person makes application to him for Constables, Subordinate Officers or Inspectors to be employed in that person's service on special duties. In practice, Supernumerary Police are employed mainly by the larger commercial and industrial concerns in the country. The advantage of having security of person and property entrusted to Supernumerary Police rather than ordinary watchmen is that the employer gets the benefit of a body of men who are subject to the statutory provisions relating to discipline, punishment, powers and immunities of constables.

The pay and expenses of Supernumerary Police are defrayed out of funds paid to the Commissioner by the persons employing them.

The Volunteer Force

(a) Nature and Functions

78. The British Guiana Volunteer Force was established by the Volunteer Ordinance of June 19, 1948, as the successor to previous military bodies of a like kind. It is organized on the lines of a territorial infantry battalion. It is a part-time voluntary military organization which carries out basic training and holds an annual camp where the year's training and activities are rounded out.

79. The objects of the Volunteer Force are not explicitly mentioned in the Volunteer Ordinance. The Government Memorandum submitted to us stated that the duties of the Force are as follows:

(i) to assist the police whenever called to do so;
(ii) to provide static guards on all essential works and installations;
(iii) to provide armed escorts and patrols; and
(iv) to assist in the restoration of law and order.

Its principal function in the field of internal security is to act in aid of the civil power when ordered to do so by the Governor. Since the declaration of emergency on April 23, 1964, the Force has been engaged in emergency duties and has been acting on a full-time basis as a regular battalion.

(b) Racial Composition

80. The Force is divided into five companies. The geographical location and racial composition of each of them is shown in Table VIII, while the racial distribution of the different ranks is shown in Table IX.

The areas and districts in which the companies are established are, with one exception, predominantly settled by Africans. The exception, "E" Company, was recruited during 1964 as an experiment in rural recruitment and for the first time gave Indians an opportunity to join in large numbers, since recruits are required to come from within the area in which the Company is stationed.

(c) Recruitment

81. Recruitment of members of the Volunteer Force, as its name implies, is entirely voluntary. The conditions of eligibility are laid down in Section 16 of the Volunteer Ordinance. The standard height aimed at is not less than 5' 6", but concessions are made where recruitment is in a specialist field. It does appear that the encouragement of volunteers is not so widespread as to ensure that every potential recruit is aware of the conditions for recruitment. We also received evidence that recruitment is undertaken entirely by African officers.

(d) Service

82. Promotion, training and conditions of service seem to be in accordance with normal practice and call for no special comment.

Recommendations relating to the Volunteer Force

83. We find that the practice whereby, until 1964, every single Company of the Volunteer Force was established in an area of predominantly African population does amount to racial discrimination. A start has been made in correcting this situation with the establishment of "E" Company at Demerara on the West Coast. We recommend that further Companies be established in areas where there is likely to be a large number of Indian volunteers. This may require consequential changes in the organizational structure of the Force.

84. We further recommend that effective steps be taken to ensure that adequate publicity be given to the opportunities of volunteering for the Force, among the Indian as well as the African and other sections of the population.

85. We also recommend that recruitment should no longer be carried out by Africans alone, and that a measure of Indian participation in the selection of recruits be introduced.

The Special Service Unit

86. The Special Service Unit is a para-military organization established by an Order in Council made in February, 1964, to enable the Governor to form an internal security unit, the men of which would not be drawn predominantly from any one racial group, and which could be used in a variety of tasks and in association with the Police or the Armed Forces of the Crown. Its size and organization are governed by the Special Service Unit Regulations, 1964, Regulation 5 of which permits members of the Police Force to serve in the Unit, and vice versa, and its ranks correspond to those of the Police Force. Power to appoint fit and proper persons to be Officers and Inspectors is vested in the Governor, whilst the Commanding Officer of the Unit is empowered to appoint subordinate officers (Corporals and Sergeants) and Constables.

87. In theory the Commanding Officer of the Unit is responsible directly to the Governor, but we were told that in fact operational control has been delegated to the Commissioner of Police by the Governor, and it is true that the Unit could hardly have been formed without the considerable help it has received from the Police in secondments of trained manpower which the Police can ill afford to lose at the present time. Because of the condition that its members shall not be drawn predominantly from any one racial group, it is the only part of British Guiana's security forces in which no complaint has been made of an unduly large representation of any racial group. Its present strength is 72 Indians, 72 Africans and two Mixed.

TABLE IV

Racial Composition of the Security Forces

TABLE V

Racial Composition of British Guiana Police Force (30th June, 1965)

TABLE VI a

Racial Composition of Population and Police by Police Station Districts

TABLE VI b

Racial Composition of Population and Police by Police Station Districts

TABLE VI c

Racial Composition of Population and Police by Police Station Districts

TABLE VI d

Racial Composition of Population and Police by Police Station Districts

TABLE VII

British Guiana Police Force
Racial Composition of Persons Selected for Training Abroad (1953-1964)

TABLE VIII

British Guiana Volunteer Force
Racial Composition of Divisions

TABLE IX

British Guiana Volunteer Force
Racial Composition by Rank

TABLE X

Special Service Unit
Racial Composition

Vacancies: Officers 3
                Other Ranks 60

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CHAPTER V - THE CIVIL SERVICE

88. The Civil Service in British Guiana in its present form was established in 1953 upon the introduction of the Constitution of that year. The structure of the Civil Service before that date bore the marks of its development during the nineteenth century. Before 1953 no sharp division existed between classes of officers performing purely clerical duties and those having administrative responsibility. The character of the service has since changed in that there is such a division and that there are broader educational requirements for entry. It is of interest to note that the racial problem in the Civil Service was not recognized in the Report of Investigation into the Public Service of 1953. It was this Report that recommended the establishment of a Public Service Commission. This recommendation had also been made earlier in the Waddington Report of 1951. The Constitution of 1953 established this Commission, the principal function of which is to ensure that persons appointed to the administrative grades of the Civil Service have "high and uniform standards of character, educational background and professional competence."

89. Tables XI-XXXII show the racial composition of the staff in the various Government departments and also the racial composition of the unclassified services, which are lower in rank than the clerical service. These Tables indicate that the representation of the Indian element in the services cannot in all the circumstances be considered unsatisfactory. It must be pointed out, however, that in the unclassified services the proportion of Indians is not as good. It must also be observed that the number of Indian women in the Civil Service as a whole is very small in comparison with the number of African women.

90. The Public Service Commission, which was established as stated earlier by the Constitution of 1953, is at present based on Part VI of the Constitution of 1961 and on Sections 14 et seq. of the British Guiana Constitution) Order in Council, 1961. The Public Service Commission Regulations, 1961, are the further rules under which the work of the Commission is carried out. The principal powers of the Commission are set in Article 96 of the Constitution. The Commission has the power to make recommendations as to appointments to public offices and to dismiss and to exercise disciplinary control over persons holding or acting in public office. Article 94 provides that the Public Service shall consist of a Chairman and not more than four other members. At present it is composed of a Chairman and four members, one of whom is an Indian. The Commission decides by majority vote. The preparatory work of the Commission is done by a Secretariat, the functions of which are set out in Regulation 3 of the Public Service Commission Regulations, 1961. The racial composition of this important office, which acts as Secretariat to the Police Service Commission as well, is set out in Table XVII. The members of the Secretariat belong to the clerical service.

91. In the matter of appointments to the Civil Service, the distinctions between the clerical service and the unclassified service must be borne in mind. The number of persons in the service is about 13,872. The racial composition of this number is set out in Table XXXIII. The number of unclassified persons is 11,421 and their racial composition is set out in that Table. The Public Service Commission has no hand in the appointment of the latter, this being the function of the Permanent Secretaries of the different Ministries. Even in regard to the clerical service, it is not the Public Service Commission that makes the recommendations for appointment in all cases. In the "Instrument Delegating the Governor's Public Service Powers" of April 3, 1962, it is provided that only a third of the number of clerks be appointed on the advice of the Commission. The rest are appointed by the Permanent Secretaries to the Ministries. It would appear that most members of the service are appointed without the intervention of the Commission.

92. Questions of appointment are governed by General Order 20 (see Rules for Admission to the Administrative and Clerical Classes of the Public Service, 1957). A certain standard of education, suitable references, and an age qualification are required. The references have to be from the head of a school and a minister of religion.

93. We find that the existing procedures relating to the appointment of civil servants, their promotion, dismissal and conditions of service do not encourage or lead to racial discrimination and do not call for the recommendation of corrective measures.

94. As regards conditions of service, women Civil Servants were obliged to leave the service on marriage, but now the position seems to have changed. The former practice may have militated against Indian women who tend to marry at a younger age.

95. It is our view that the Public Service Commission plays a vital part in ensuring an objective administration based on uniform standards of character, educational background and professional competence. It is vital that members of the Commission should continue to act independently of the interests of any group or section of the population from which they may be drawn. The primary qualifications for membership of the Commission should be integrity, standing in the community and experience. It is essential that the independence of the Commission be also guaranteed in the Constitution of an independent Guiana.

96. We find that the procedures followed by the Commission in the matter of appointments, promotion and dismissals are fair and that recruitment and promotion are on the basis of merit and merit alone.

97. If, in proportion to the Indian population, the number of Indians in the public service is smaller than that of Africans in proportion to the African population (as is the fact), it is for historical and social reasons and not because of discrimination against them. The Indian community in British Guiana has in the past been more interested in private enterprise than in Government service. Indian women until recently have displayed little interest in higher education or training for Government employment. But the spread of general education on the one hand and the pressures of modern life on the other will contribute to a larger Indian participation in the Civil Service generally in the future.

TABLE XI

The Office of the Governor comprising Head Office and Departments of the Governor's Office and Government House

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:    (a) -
                                                                    (b) -
                                                                    (c) -
                                                   TOTAL:        Nil

TABLE XII

Department of External Affairs. Offices in London and New York

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:    (a) 2
                                                                    (b) 2
                                                                    (c) 1
                                                        TOTAL:       4**

[Editor's Note:*This is an error on the original Table. This number is 1, as reflected in the Total. ** The original Table reflects an error here. The Total should be 5. However, if this total of 4 is correct, then one of the numbers listed in (a), (b) or (c) is incorrect.]

TABLE XIII

Racial Composition of Judiciary

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:      (a) -
                                                                      (b) -
                                                                      (c) -
                                                      TOTAL:           -

TABLE XIV

Deeds and Supreme Court Registries comprising Head Office and Departments of Sub-Registry and Magistrates' Offices

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:        (a) -
                                                                        (b) 3
                                                                        (c) 1
                                                      TOTAL:             4

TABLE XV

Department of Legislature

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) 1
                                                                         (b) 1
                                                                         (c) 2
                                                       TOTAL:             4

TABLE XVI

Audit Department

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) 5
                                                                         (b) 2
                                                                         (c) -
                                                             TOTAL:       7

TABLE XVII

Public and Police Service Commission's Secretariat

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) 18
                                                                         (b) 1
                                                                         (c) Nil
                                                              TOTAL:      19

TABLE XVIII

Department of the Director of Public Prosecutions

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:           (a) -
                                                                           (b) -
                                                                           (c) -
                                                   TOTAL:                   -

TABLE XIX

Office of the Premier comprising Head Office and Departments of Archives, Council of Ministers and Information Services

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:            (a) 4
                                                                            (b) 4
                                                                            (c) 3
                                                             TOTAL:         11

TABLE XX

Office of the Attorney General comprising Head Office and Department of Official Receiver

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) 3
                                                                         (b) 1
                                                                         (c) -
                                                            TOTAL:        4

TABLE XXI

Ministry of Economic Affairs comprising Head Office and Departments of Central Planning Division, Statistical Bureau and Cooperative Division

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:          (a) 17
                                                                          (b) 7
                                                                          (c) -
                                                       TOTAL:             24

[Editor's Note: In the original document, this number was erroneously placed under the Chinese Male column. It is corrected in this edition.]

TABLE XXII

Ministry of Education, Youth, Race Relations and Community Development comprising Head Office and Departments of Queen's College, Bishop's High School, Anna Regina Secondary School, Government Training College, In-Service Teacher Training Programme, Government Technical Institute and Carnegie School of Home Economics

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:          (a) 87
                                                                          (b) 14
                                                                          (c) 24
                                                           TOTAL:          125

TABLE XXIII

Ministry of Health and Housing comprising Head Office and Departments of Analyst, Registrar-General, Planning, Housing and Medical Out Stations

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:          (a) 18
                                                                          (b) 8
                                                                          (c) 106
                                                             TOTAL:        132

TABLE XXIV

Ministry of Labour and Social Security comprising Head Office and Departments of Labour, Employment Exchange, Social Assistance and Manpower Survey

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:          (a) 12
                                                                          (b) 18
                                                                          (c) 5
                                                          TOTAL:           35

TABLE XXV

Ministry of Finance comprising Head Office and Departments of Accountant General, Inland Revenue, Customs & Excise and Post Office Savings Bank

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) 27
                                                                         (b) 18
                                                                         (c) 9
                                                           TOTAL:         54

TABLE XXVI

Ministry of Home Affairs comprising Head Office and Departments of Interior, Printery, Probation, Essequibo Boys' School, Elections Office, Prisons, and Fire Protection

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:          (a) 12
                                                                          (b) 7
                                                                          (c) 99
                                                             TOTAL:        118

TABLE XXVII

Ministry of Local Government comprising Head Office and Departments of District Administration Offices and Valuation Division

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:          (a) 3
                                                                          (b) 5
                                                                          (c) 9
                                                             TOTAL:        17

TABLE XXVIII

Ministry of Agriculture comprising Head Office and Departments of Agriculture and Land Development

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) 17
                                                                         (b) 7
                                                                         (c) 27
                                                           TOTAL:         51

TABLE XXIX

Ministry of Forests, Lands and Mines comprising Head Office and Departments of Forest, Lands, Geological Survey and Mines

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) 41
                                                                         (b) 11
                                                                         (c) 41
                                                           TOTAL:         93

TABLE XXX

Trade and Industry

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) Nil
                                                                         (b) Nil
                                                                         (c) Nil
                                                           TOTAL           -

TABLE XXXI

Ministry of Communication comprising Head Office and Departments of Post Office, Telecommunications, Civil Aviation and Transport and Harbours

Racial Composition of Staff
Number of vacancies in categories listed above:         (a) 26
                                                                         (b) 5
                                                                         (c) 137
                                                             TOTAL:       168

TABLE XXXII

Ministry of Works and Hydraulics comprising Head Office and Departments of Berbice, East Demerara, Essequibo, Atkinson Field, Interior, West Demerara and Georgetown.

Racial Composition of Staff

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:              (a) 32
                                                                              (b) 98
                                                                              (c) 6
                                                            TOTAL:             136

TABLE XXXIII

Racial Composition of Staff employed in all Ministries and Departments

Number of vacancies in categories listed above:           (a) 325
                                                                           (b) 211
                                                                           (c) 470
                                                              TOTAL:        1006

[Editor's note: There seems to be an incorrect calculation in the percentage of Portuguese (male) or Portuguese (female).]
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CHAPTER VI - THE JUDICIARY

98. The Judiciary in British Guiana comprises the Supreme Court of British Guiana, which is established under Part V of the Constitution, and the Magistracy, which exercises inferior jurisdiction. The District Courts Ordinance (No. 30 of 1961) has been enacted by the Legislature of British Guiana, providing for what would be a middle court or jurisdiction, between the Supreme Court and the Magistracy. This Ordinance has not yet come into operation.

99. Part V of the Constitution provides that the Judges of the Supreme Court shall be the Chief Justice and a certain number of Puisne Judges. It also makes provision for appointment of Judges and conditions relating to office. The Chief Justice is appointed by the Governor after consultation with the Premier, and the Puisne Judges are appointed by the Premier after consultation with the Judicial Service Commission. The qualification for appointment as a Judge is that of a barrister of not less than 7 years standing. A Judge holds office until the age of 62 years and may be removed from office only on the grounds of inability to discharge the functions of office or for misbehaviour, and the salary of a Judge and his conditions of service shall not be altered to his disadvantage during office.

100. Under Part V of the Constitution power to make appointments to the office of Magistrates and to dismiss and exercise disciplinary control over them is vested in the Governor after consultation with the Judicial Service Commission. The same powers also extend to such other offices connected with the Courts of British Guiana (other than the office of the Judges of the Supreme Court) as may be prescribed by the Legislature. No other office has been so prescribed.

101. Part V of the Constitution establishes a Judicial Service Commission consisting of the Chief Justice as Chairman, the Chairman of the Public Service Commission, the Senior Puisne Judge, and one other member who is appointed by the Governor and who is or has been a holder of high judicial office. The Constitution provides for the conditions relating to the security of tenure of the members of the Judicial Service Commission. Under Part V of the Constitution the functions of this Commission include the making of recommendations to the Governor for appointment of Judges of the Supreme Court and also for the appointment, dismissal and disciplinary control of Magistrates. However, these powers of recommendation are not yet exercisable. Under section 16 of the British Guiana (Constitution) Order in Council, 1961, these powers are exercised by the Governor, acting after consultation with the Commission. The powers of recommendation shall become exercisable only after the Governor has made certain regulations providing for special retirement benefits for members of the public service or Judges of the Supreme Court.

102. Table XIII gives the racial composition of the Judges of the Supreme Court and the Magistracy. We find that the Judiciary as at present composed is acceptable to the various ethnic groups throughout the community, and no dissatisfaction was expressed to us with the composition of the Judiciary. We also find that the procedures relating to the selection, appointment, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service of personnel do not encourage or lead to racial discrimination in the Judiciary.

103. In British Guiana, as in all countries, it is essential to ensure the requirement of independence, integrity and professional qualifications of the Judiciary. We are of the opinion that the present satisfactory situation relating to the judiciary must be maintained in the future by measures which include continuation of constitutional guarantees relating to the qualifications, appointment and security of tenure of all members of the Judiciary, including the Magistracy. It is imperative, furthermore, that the Constitution shall continue to provide for the Judicial Service Commission, the composition and functions of which shall be similar to those at present, and that the provisions relating to the appointment, conditions of service and security of tenure of its members should be such as to ensure that its members shall be men of experience and integrity, and shall exercise their functions in an independent and impartial manner.

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CHAPTER VII - EDUCATION

104. Education is the responsibility of the Ministry of Education, which exercises general supervisory functions over all schools in receipt of financial assistance from the Government.

105. Primary schools in British Guiana are divided into three groups: Government schools, Government-aided schools and Private non-aided schools. Most of the Government-aided schools are owned by religious denominations to whom the Government makes annual grants for the provision of equipment, the maintenance of buildings and the payment of 100% of teachers' salaries. They are usually referred to as Denominational schools. Government-aided schools also include Non-denominational schools which are located on sugar estates and mining settlements. These are owned by the sugar estates or mining companies or small organizations set up mainly for the purpose of providing education for a particular district. These Non-denominational schools receive grants similar to those made to the Denominational schools. The latter schools are controlled by governing bodies appointed for the purpose by the respective religious denominations, and lay representatives, who are appointed annually, serve on these governing bodies. The racial composition of the governing bodies of Denominational schools is shown in Table XXXIV. In the case of the Non-denominational schools, the management of the sugar estates or mining companies or the appropriate organization owning the schools constitutes the governing body. Government schools are entirely under the control of the Education Department and are managed by the Education Officers of the districts in which they are located, or by District Commissioners, other Senior Government Officers, and in a few instances members of Local Authorities. All Government schools and Government-aided schools are supervised by the Education Officers of the Education Department, who visit the schools from time to time. Non-aided private schools are run by private individuals or organizations and do not come under the supervision of the Government.

106. The primary school provides free education for children between the ages of 5 and 16 years, the compulsory age being from 6 to 14 years. In recent years the curriculum has sought to give a more practical bias in education, and several schools are now provided with work-rooms for Woodwork, Handicrafts and Home Economics.

The numbers and percentages of pupils taught in the different types of primary schools are shown in Table XXXV.

107. There are at present four types of institutions offering secondary education: Government Secondary High Schools, which teach to GCE Advanced Level standard and of which there are three; Government-aided Secondary Schools, which teach to Advanced or Ordinary Level standard and of which there are fourteen; new Government Secondary Schools which teach to Ordinary Level standard and of which there are ten; and the secondary departments of All-age Schools which will in future teach only up to the level of the College of Preceptors' Examination taken between the ages of 14 and 16, although some of them had formerly taught up to Ordinary Level standard.

All these categories provide free education, except the Government aided Secondary Schools at which fees are payable from 25 to 40 dollars* a term. Entrance to the first three categories of Secondary Schools is by way of Secondary Schools Entrance Examination, which is taken between the ages of 10 and 12.

Almost all schools offering secondary education are situated in urban areas and there are virtually no facilities for a child living in a rural area to obtain a secondary education while living at home.

The number of pupils enrolled in Secondary Schools for the period 1959-1965 is shown in Table XXXVI.

108. The racial composition of the teachers on the staffs of Government and Government-aided Primary and All-age schools is shown in the following table:

The racial composition of the teachers in Government and Government-aided Secondary Schools is shown in Table XXXVI (Part 2).

No statistics are now kept of the racial composition of pupils enrolled in any type of school. The last year for which such figures are available is 1954 when the totals were 43,722 Indians and 40,242 others.

109. The Ministry of Education requires that all vacancies be advertised except in certain cases of the transfer of teachers; In the case of Government schools, applications are sent to the Ministry; in the case of Denominational school, applications are sent to the Manager of the school, copies being forwarded to the Ministry. In the case of Denominational schools, the governing body proposes its candidates for appointment and the Chief Education Officer approves the appointment if the candidate is considered the most suitable.

110. Appointments of staff below the rank of Senior Master or Mistress in Government Schools (both Primary and All-age) are dealt with by the Education Officer (Personnel) in consultation with the District Education Officer (whenever possible) and subject to the approval of the Deputy Chief Education Officer.

111. Appointments of staff at or above the level of Senior Master or Mistress in Government Schools (both Primary and All-age) are dealt with by the Chief Education Officer, who discusses the applicants and their records of service with the Deputy Chief Education Officer, Assistant Chief Education Officer and Senior Education Officer meeting as an Appointments Committee.

112. In Denominational schools the appointment of staff below the rank of Senior Master or Mistress requires the approval of the Deputy Chief Education Officer acting on behalf of the Chief Education Officer. The appointment of staff at or above the level of Senior Master or Mistress level requires the approval of the Chief Education Officer, who discusses the applicants and their records of service with the Deputy Chief Education Officer, Assistant Chief Education Officer and Senior Education Officer meeting as an Appointments Committee.

113. In the Government Secondary Schools the appointment of staff below the rank of Senior Master or Mistress is approved by the Education Officer (Personnel) after consultation with the Education Officer (Secondary). Staff of or above the level of Senior Master or Mistress are appointed by a Committee comprising the Assistant Chief Education Officer (Secondary), the Senior Education Officer and the Education Officer (Secondary), with the Education Officer (Primary) as Secretary.

114. A recent phenomenon in British Guiana, arising out of the displacement of large numbers of Indians as a result of the disturbances in 1964, has been the creation of a number of purely Indian schools to meet the needs of the Indian children who had left their home areas. These schools were set up at the instance of the parents concerned, but were given some Government recognition and support. While they are stated to be a purely temporary measure designed to meet a particular situation, they represent the first schools set up on a purely racial basis.

115. We arrive at the following conclusions and recommendations:

(a) At the present time there is a shortage of teachers, so that any qualified applicant can be sure of appointment. There is thus no cause to complain of racial discrimination in the appointment of teachers today. Nevertheless, consideration must be given to the time, which may come, when the number of applicants exceeds the number of vacancies. A potential source of friction exists in the fact that the Indians are almost all non-Christian, whereas a large number of the schools are run by various Christian denominations. We therefore recommend that, before any such friction is given an opportunity to arise, the procedures for the appointment and promotion of teachers in both Government and Denominational schools be made the subject of a special investigation in the course of which all interested parties can be heard.

(b) In the field of secondary education, Indian pupils are at a disadvantage in that virtually no facilities for secondary education exist in the rural areas where the large majority of them live. We recommend that facilities for secondary education be distributed throughout the country in such a way that equal opportunities are available to all.

(c) We view with grave concern the trend towards racial schools exhibited by the recently established temporary "mushroom" schools. We recommend that immediate and vigorous steps be taken to make these schools unnecessary by the provision of acceptable multi-racial schools, and that the "mushroom" schools be closed as soon as possible. -

Note: * i.e., British West Indian dollar. At the date of this Report $ W.I. 1=$U.S. 0.58¼.

TABLE XXXIV

Analysis of Schools by Denominations Showing the Racial Percentage of each Governing Body and the Government Schools as a Whole

TABLE XXXV

Table Classifying Primary Schools

Type of School	Number	Percentage
Government Schools	165	41.1
Denominational Schools	232	57.9
Undenominational Schools	4	1.0
TOTAL	401

TABLE XXXVI

Secondary School Enrolment (1959-1964)

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116. The Local Government system in British Guiana has grown out of the necessity for some kind of technical organization and not for political reasons. The aim of Local Government was the organization of the maintenance of sea defences, drainage, irrigation, roads and bridges in the coastal region. From 1850 on, the main impetus of the movement from plantations to villages was spent; many villages had been established; the problem was how to administer these communities. No legislation governed the problems of local communities, but ad hoc measures were instituted to meet particular situations.

117. The Local Government Ordinance of 4th December, 1945, now governs the position. It is a consolidation of many previous measures. This Ordinance has been modified on several occasions.

118. Reforms in the Local Government system have been prepared by the so-called Marshall Plan: Report on Local Government in British Guiana, by A. H. Marshall (1955). The Government states in its memorandum that in 1958 his recommendations were adopted by the Government. A specialist staff was established for carrying out the necessary preliminary work. From 1961 on no further work was done. In the Throne Speech delivered by the Governor on 29th March, 1965, the Government outlined its policy in relation to Local Government and stated: "The franchise will be extended to Universal Adult Suffrage and the Local Authorities and Municipalities will be given greater autonomy cspecial1y in the fields of financial control, social services and national development planning."

119. Elections to the Local Authorities, as they are provided for in Part III of the Local Government Ordinance, have been suspended since December, 1961, by the provisions of the Local Government (Postponement of Elections) Ordinance, 1961. Where a vacancy occurs in a Local Authority office, the vacancy is filled either by nomination of the central administration - the Local Government Board - or by co-optation. We have been told that it is the Government's policy that elections should be held for all Local Authorities (including the Municipalities) under the system of proportional representation used for the national elections and on the basis of adult suffrage.

120. The Local Government Ordinance established a central administration and Village, Country and Rural Districts. Besides these, there exist two Municipalities. The "Georgetown Town Council Ordinance" rules the administration of the city of Georgetown, and the "New Amsterdam Town Council Ordinance" rules the town of New Amsterdam. The different territories - Village, Country and Rural districts and the two towns - are governed by Village Councils, Local Authorities, country authorities and rural authorities, and by the "Mayor and Town Council" of Georgetown and by the New Amsterdam "Mayor and Town Council".

121. The central authority for Local government is the Local Government Board. The Board consists of ten members, of whom seven shall be appointed by the Governor; the other three are Ex-Officio Members. Besides the towns, seventy-eight village and eighteen country districts are in existence.

122. Alongside the Local Government authorities there exist also State authorities in the different districts, viz., the District Commissioners who are appointed by the Governor and are charged with the general administration of the affairs of the district. The District Government Ordinance of January 7, 1911, governs the problems of District Government.

123. Table XXXVII gives a summary of the racial composition of persons employed in Local Government as a whole; it may be noticed that the reference to the Local Authorities comprises only 7 districts. Table XXXVIII shows the racial composition of persons employed in Georgetown. Table XXXIX shows the racial composition of persons employed in New Amsterdam. Table XL shows the racial composition of persons employed in certain districts. The Tables show that the racial composition of the different Local Authorities and Town Councils is fairly proportionate to the different racial groups. Allegations concerning racial discrimination in Local Authorities or Town Councils were not made.

124. The main body of the Local Government Organization is the Local Government Board established by the Local Government Ordinance, 1945. This Board is vested with the powers, duties and functions set out in the Ordinance. Various criticisms have been made of existing structure of Local Government, but this is a matter that our terms of reference do not require us to investigate.

125. There is, however, one aspect of the present plans for the reform of the Local Government which concerns the Amerindian problem. It was stated on behalf of the Government that there is no Local Authority established under the Local Government Ordinance in the Rupununi District, a district which is settled overwhelmingly by Amerindians. We agree with the opinion expressed by Professor Smith (British Guiana, p. 194) that it is desirable that Local Government be made available to the more accessible Amerindian settlements.

126. The Local Authorities can properly serve the multi-racial society in British Guiana only if their composition reflects the volonté générale of the districts. This can only be guaranteed if in all districts elections are carried out to choose the most responsible and capable persons for membership of Local Authorities. The postponement of the local elections has resulted in co-optations in lieu of elections. This is a practice which, allowed to continue, might produce racial discrimination.

TABLE XXXVII

Racial Composition of Persons Employed in Local Government

TABLE XXXVIII

Mayor and Town Council Georgetown

Total Amount of Employees -            Males: 849
                                                 Females: 77
                                                [Total]   926

TABLE XXXIX

New Amsterdam Town Council

Racial Composition of Regular Monthly and Weekly Paid Staff

TABLE XL*

Local Authorities

Racial Composition of Staff and other Employees

Monthly Paid Staff **

Note:
1. West Demerara District - (Demerara River Section). Vacancies to be filled: (a) Town Clerk; (b) Accountant; (c) Clerk; (d) 2 Typists; (e) 1 Constable; (f) 1 Messenger.

2. Rupununi Administrative District There is no Local Authority established under the Local Government Ordinance, Chapter 150, in this Administrative District.

[Editor's Note: *The original publication does not show the Table number. **This Table is part of a larger Table which also includes statistics on weekly and daily paid employees. The section dealing with weekly and daily paid employees is shown in "Table XL (Continued)".]

TABLE XL (Continued)

Local Authorities

Racial Composition of Staff and other Employees

[Weekly and Daily Paid Employees]

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CHAPTER IX - THE LAND SETTLEMENT SCHEMES

127. The Land Settlement Schemes represent the Government's arrangements for allotting Crown Lands and other Estates to persons considered suitable for cultivating them. Two important aims are:

(a) to apportion enough land to farmers so that they can operate the right size of farm for highest efficiency and obtain therefrom an adequate income, and
(b) to intensify the co-operative movement among farmers.

128. Early attempts at land settlement began in 1880. The purpose of acquiring land by the Government was to settle the Indian immigrants in lieu of return passages to India. From 1910 onwards, the acquisition of land by the Government was made with the purpose of selling land to settlers on easy terms. In these Land Settlement Schemes the settlers were chosen from the existing, sugar estate workers. After 1955 a new system was created for finding settlers. Advertisements were published in the areas and Committees were appointed to select settlers. The Acquisition of Land (Land Settlement) Ordinance (No. 13 of 1957) provides that any Land Settlement Scheme may be declared a public work. The Ministry of Forests, Lands and Mines and the Ministry of Agriculture are responsible for Land Development.

129. The following main Land Settlement Schemes have been established:

Government Estates (W. C. Demerara)
Anna Regina
Charity-Amazon
Vergenoegen (East Bank Essequibo)
Cane Grove
Garden of Eden
Onverwagt
Mara
Black Bush
Black Bush Polder
Wauna (North West District)

130. In the above mentioned Land Settlement Schemes the racial composition of African and Indian settlers is 3864 Indians and 550 Africans, and an almost insignificant number of persons of other races. The full racial composition of the settlers is set out in Table XLI. In all Settlements the number of Indians is overwhelming, as the following Table shows:

	Indians	Africans
Government Estates (W. C. Demerara)	615	20
Anna Regina	634	116
Charity-Amazon	57	39
Vergenoegen (East Bank Essequibo)	202	120
Cane Grove	561	56
Garden of Eden	57	19

131. The procedures for selection of land settlers do not give grounds for observations in respect of racial discrimination. In the Official Gazette a land development notice indicates the conditions for applications and for settlement. Objective criteria, e.g. farming experience, education, personality, age and size of family are demanded, and the following point system is used as a guide:

However, this system was not applied in all Land Settlement Schemes. For instance, in Black Bush Polder another system served as a guide, in which the land owned or rented, average weekly earnings, size of family and farming experience were factors. But this point system was not used fully throughout the exercise.

Committees are appointed to select applicants. Appointments are made by the competent Minister. The Committees comprise three official members and three or four unofficial members.

132. It is clear from a consideration of the statistics that the overwhelming majority of settlers under the Land Development Schemes are Indians. At first view this might suggest discriminatory procedures. But on closer inspection this impression is not borne out by the facts. In the first place, the procedures that are adopted are in no way designed or operated to give preference to Indians as such, as against Africans. Secondly, it has to be borne in mind that allotments under the Land Settlement Schemes are made for the purpose of making land available to persons prepared to cultivate them, mainly for growing rice or sugar. The Indians usually happened to be the only persons with the necessary experience in such cultivation, and consequently the land passed almost exclusively to them. For this reason, there is no cause to recommend any change in the procedures for selection of settlers. These procedures do not appear to lead to or to encourage racial discrimination. Nevertheless, it would be wise to unify the selection procedures throughout the country and throughout the schemes. Furthermore, we think it would be desirable if a greater number of Africans and other races could be encouraged to enter Land Settlement Schemes.

133. We have found criticisms of the Land Settlement Schemes on economic and technical grounds, but we consider that these are matters that do not fall within the scope of our Inquiry.

TABLE XLI

Land Development Schemes

Racial Composition of Settlers on Land Development Schemes *

[Editor's Note: * The Table in the original text has a glaring omission. It does not indicate the race group at the top of the column. In this edition, "Indian" and "African" are inserted based on information contained in the written Report. The race groups indicated by A, B, C, D and E (inserted here by the Editor) are five of these race groups: Europeans, Portuguese, Amerindian, Chinese, Mixed and Other. However, it is difficult to determine which of these groups the letters represent.]

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CHAPTER X - GOVERNMENT AGENCIES AND UNDERTAKINGS

134. Government agencies and undertakings consist of ten public Corporations, and each is responsible for the administration of a particular public service or activity in the community. They are not departments within the Civil Service, and although autonomous in their day to day administration, they are maintained from public revenues and are subject to ministerial control in the matter of policy. The establishment of these authorities prevents the overloading of Government departmental organization, and since each authority is concerned solely with the administration of a single activity, it can achieve a higher degree of concentration in that particular activity. The employees of these Corporations are not ordinary members of the Civil Service, and although they are servants of the respective Corporations, they may also be regarded as Government employees in a broader sense. The manner in which these Corporations are constituted and the procedures adopted for appointment of their members, as set out below, enable them to administer their activities on a commercial basis and in a more expedient manner than would be the case if they were staffed by civil servants under direct ministerial control using traditional civil service methods. Four of the ten Corporations have been established by Orders, made under the Public Corporations Ordinance, 1962, and the remaining six under separate Ordinances.

135. This Ordinance authorises the Council of Ministers to establish particular public Corporations by Orders. Such Corporations are under the statutory duty to stimulate, facilitate and undertake the purposes for which they are established. Statutory powers are given to such Corporations for the purpose of the conduct of their activities and are similar to the customary powers of incorporated bodies. The power of general directional control is reserved to the Council of Ministers, which may give a Corporation directions of a general character as to the policy be followed in the exercise and performance of its functions, and the Corporation is required to give effect to such directions.

136. A Corporation established under this Ordinance shall consist of one official member and such other number of official members as the Council may determine. Thus, the appropriate Minister is responsible for the appointment of the members of the Corporation, as distinct from its employees, including its Chairman and Deputy Chairman. A member may also be removed from office at the pleasure of the Council of Ministers. Under the Ordinance, the members are required to be appointed from amongst persons having had experience of, and having shown capacity in, matters relating to agriculture, industry, trade, commerce, banking, finance, science, education and social welfare or administration. The Ordinance provides that the Corporation shall employ, at such remuneration and on such terms as it thinks fit, a secretary, and such officers and servants as it deems necessary for the proper carrying out of the duties of the Corporation. Provision is made for ministerial approval of the higher salaries, appointments to the higher offices and payments under pension and similar schemes.

(a) Guyana Airways Corporation

137. This was established in 1963 under the said Public Corporations Ordinance for the purpose of developing efficient air transport services, and the employment of staff is governed by the said Ordinance in the manner referred to above.

(b) Guyana Industrial Development Corporation

138. This Corporation was established in 1963 under the said Public Corporations Ordinance for the purpose of development of industry in the country. Its staff consists of only 23.

(c) The Guyana Marketing Corporation

139. This was established in 1963 under the said Public Corporations Ordinance and took over and runs the various units which constituted the marketing division of the Ministry of Trade and Industry. In general, its function is to assist such units in the marketing and processing of their produce and to promote co-operative societies to dispose of their produce to their best advantage. The procedures for recruitment of staff are based on those contained in the Public Corporations Ordinance.

(d) The British Guiana Credit Corporation

140. This Corporation was established by the British Guiana Credit Corporation Ordinance of 1954. Its purpose is the promotion of the economic development of the country, including provision of financial credits. The Ordinance confers on the Corporation powers, both in the carrying out of its activities and for the appointment of staff, similar to those contained in the Public Corporations Ordinance.

(e) The British Guiana Electricity Corporation

141. This Corporation was established by the Electricity Ordinance of 1957 for the purpose of administering certain electrical installations and for other allied purposes. The Ordinance confers on it powers of appointment of staff similar to those contained in the Public Corporations Ordinance, with the exception that the appointment of the General Manager is subject to the approval of the Minister.

(f) The British Guiana Rice Marketing Board

142. This Board was established by the Rice Marketing Ordinance, 1946, for the purpose of supervising disposal of padi and controlling the manufacture, purchase, sale, distribution and export of all rice produced in British Guiana. The Board buys all the rice produced in the country, with the exception of that retained by the producer for his personal needs, and it is the country's sole exporter of rice.

The Ordinance now provides for a Board of eleven members to be appointed by the Minister as follows -

(a) two officers in the Public Service;
(b) three rice producers nominated by the Council of the British Guiana Rice Producers Association
(c) one person nominated by the British Guiana Rice Development Company Limited;
(d) one person representing the interest of consumers of rice; and
(e) four other persons appearing to the Minister to be qualified as having had experience in matters relating to the production, manufacture or marketing of rice or to agriculture, industry or commerce generally. The Chairman and Vice-Chairman are appointed by the Minister from among the members of the Board.

The Ordinance empowers the Board with the approval of the Minister of Trade and Industry to appoint a manager, an assistant manager and secretary. None of these officers may be dismissed without the Minister's approval. The Board also has general power to employ such other officers and such servants as the Board requires.

(g) The British Guiana Rice Development Company Limited

143. This Company was established in 1953 under the Rice Marketing Ordinance, for the development of the rice industry and the extension of the export trade in that industry. Numerous powers are conferred upon the Company for the purpose of carrying out these objects. The Directors of the Company appoint a General Manager, a secretary and other staff of the Company, determine their powers and duties and fix their salaries and conditions of employment.

(h) The Transport and Harbours Department

144. This Corporation was established by the Transport and Harbours Ordinance, 1932, for the management of the Government railway service and vessels and control and administration of harbour facilities in Georgetown and elsewhere. The General Manager of the Department is a public officer appointed by the Governor after consultation with the Public Service Commission. There is a small number of Civil Servants attached to the Department, but apart from these, the General Manager makes all appointments for all categories of staff. In the past, staff was recruited partly by heads of branches directly and partly through the Labour Exchange. Now, the Department uniformly carries out Government policy of recruiting employees in all categories through the Labour Exchange. The practice is for persons recruited through the Labour Exchange to have a preliminary interview with the office manager, who in turn may refer the candidate to the General Manager. At the preliminary interview, the office manager may reject those who manifestly do not have the qualifications for the particular job. Although the power of appointment of all employees lies in the General Manager, daily-paid employees are, in practice, engaged directly by the heads of branches through the Labour Exchange. All promotions are made by the General Manager. There is, however, a procedure which is followed in making promotions. There are eight branch heads, namely:

1. Traffic Manager
2. Chief Mechanical Engineer
3. Harbour Master
4. Marine Superintendent
5. Office Manager
6. Chief Accountant
7. Chief Storekeeper
8. Chief Civil Engineer.

Of these, the Chief Accountant, the Office Manager and the Traffic Manager constitute a Promotions Board. Where the promotion under consideration relates to a particular branch, the branch head sits on the Board. Where, however, the promotion relates to any of the three branches headed by a substantive member of the Promotions Board, such assistance is unnecessary. The Promotions Board makes recommendations to the General Manager, who is free to accept or reject those recommendations.

(i) The Guyana School of Agriculture Corporation

145. This Corporation was established in 1964 under the Public Corporations Ordinance. The Corporation is in fact a school which trains persons in agriculture and manages undertakings of an agricultural nature. It consists of nine members appointed by the Minister of Agriculture. The academic staff of the school is headed by a Principal, and the establishment calls for three lecturers and three instructors. The entire academic staff is appointed by the School Board. The Principal, however, sits in on interviews of candidates for academic staff appointments and offers advice to the Board. All vacancies are advertised in the Official Gazette and national newspapers, and the advertisements stipulate the qualifications and experience required. The Principal would in the ordinary course of administration engage minor employees, e.g. a janitor, without prior reference to the Board.

(j) The University of Guyana

146. This University was established in 1963 by the University of Guyana Ordinance, 1963. It has three faculties, namely Arts, Natural Sciences and Social Sciences, and its student body consists of 268 men and women. The University is both a teaching and an examining body and may confer degrees and other academic distinctions. Men and women are eligible for admission as students and for appointment to any authority, office or employment in the University. The Ordinance provides specifically that no religious, political or racial test shall be imposed on or required of any person in order to entitle him to be a student or member of the University or to occupy any position in or on the staff of the University. The authorities of the University are the Board of Governors, the Academic Board, the Guild of Graduates and such other bodies as the Board of Governors may by statute prescribe. The academic staff, Bursar and academic registrar are appointed by the Board of Governors. When vacancies arise in the academic staff, advertisements are published in the Official Gazette and local, West Indian and leading English newspapers, stating the qualifications and experience required for the posts to be filled. Applications in response to such advertisements are considered by an Appointments Committee comprising the Vice-Chancellor, the Deputy Vice-Chancellor, a representative of the Board of Governors and the Dean of the Faculty in which the appointment is to be made. This Committee makes recommendations to the Board, who in turn makes the appointment. Vacancies for Bursar, academic registrar and clerical staff are advertised in the Official Gazette and the local newspapers stating the qualifications and the experience required. The Secretary of the University, who performs the functions of Secretary to the Board of Governors and Secretary to the Academic Board, appoints clerical and subordinate staff and assigns to them their respective duties.

147. The racial composition of the Managing Boards and of the employees of the ten Corporations is set forth in Tables XLII-XLIII. The pattern of racial participation varies between the various Corporations. It will be noted that, whilst 62.49% of the total staff of all ten corporations are Africans and 27.17% Indians, one Corporation, the Transport and Harbours Department, employs more than half the total staff of all the Corporations. This is the only Department in which it may be said that there is a preponderance of African employees. The activities of this Department are, however, of an essentially urban nature centred in Georgetown, which, of course, contains a predominantly African population. It will be noted that the remaining nine Corporations employ a total of only 2,308 persons, in which Africans represent 45.9% and Indians 41.6%.

148. We find that in these Corporations, apart from the Transport and Harbours Department, no one racial group predominates. We find that the procedures for selection, recruitment, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service of the staff in each of the ten Corporations are not such as to encourage or lead to racial discrimination. We find that such procedures are consistent with the normal methods followed by public or private Corporations for the employment and control of their staff, having in mind the particular nature and requirements of each respective Corporation. We received no complaints or expressions of dissatisfaction either as to the racial composition of these Corporations or as to the procedures mentioned. However, the wide powers of appointment given to Ministers have potential dangers, and it might be advisable to consider the desirability of limiting the Ministers' powers by requiring appointments to be made from representative panels or other defined sources.

TABLE XLII

Government Agencies and Undertakings

Racial Composition of Boards *

*Advisory Council in the case of Transport and Harbours Department

[Editor's Note: **In the original text, this number is shown as "1".]

TABLE XLIII

Government Agencies and Undertakings

Racial Composition of Employees

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CHAPTER XI - GENERAL CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

149. The conclusions reached and recommendations made in this Report are to be read in the light of a number of underlying facts and considerations.

150. As we have already indicated, the complaints we have investigated have been almost exclusively complaints by Indians against Africans, and the burden of them has been that there is an unduly large number of Africans and an unduly small number of Indians in the security forces and in the public service generally; that these disproportionate complements have been achieved by racially unfair means; and that they have led to further racial discrimination. We have already set out our specific findings and recommendations in respect of the different areas of governmental responsibility. Here we wish to point out that the matters we have been investigating are but an aspect - albeit a most important one - of the social revolution that has been and is taking place in British Guiana. The basis of this revolution has been the phenomenal growth of the Indians in numbers, wealth and influence in very recent times. In 1891 they accounted for 40% of the population, in 1946 for 45% and in 1960 for 50%. Their recent fertility rates are among the highest in the world. The rate of natural increase amongst them has been of the order of 4.1% per annum as compared with 2.7% among the other elements of the population. There has been, on the other hand, a diminution of the African proportion of the population; it stood at 43% in 1891, 40% in 1946 and 34% in 1960. The striking increase in the Indian population has been accompanied by great advances in their standards and achievements. Up to a few decades ago the Indians constituted a substantial, but backward, rural section of the population, many of them not even considering themselves to be Guianese. In 1891 only 8% of the urban population was Indian; this had become 16% by 1946 and 22% by 1960. Whereas as late as l946 their literacy rate was only 55%, in recent years they have markedly increased their participation in educational facilities. This trend has reflected itself in sharply increased Indian representation in Government services and the professions, notably medicine, law and teaching. Whereas in 1931 Indians were only 8.8% of those engaged in the civil service, they now amount to 33.16% of the persons working in that service.

151. There have been corresponding advances by the Indians in agricultural, industrial and commercial activities. Their preponderance in the rice industry covers the growing, processing and marketing aspects of the industry. They provide most of the field labour in the sugar plantations and a large and growing proportion of the clerical and technical personnel engaged in the sugar factories. The vast majority of those who have been allocated to government estates and land settlements have been Indians. They have a predominant stake in the ownership and management of a variety of commercial and industrial activities, such as public transport, retail shopkeeping, motor service stations, cinemas, and in certain types of manufacturing and distributing enterprises. Their participation in the mercantile activity of the two main urban centres, Georgetown and New Amsterdam, is already extensive and continues to grow.

152. The grievances of the Indian community that we have investigated have not been those of a racial minority; they reflect the unhappy experiences of the recent past and the doubts about the future of a large and growing racial group that already constitutes 50% of the population and is seeking a greater participation in the public life of the country. The specific recommendations that we make in the Report are limited by our conviction that, if they are carried out, the momentum of Indian advancement in the community generally will, in the not very distant future, lead to an Indian share in all areas of governmental activity which will eliminate any reason to complain of racial imbalance against them.

153. We are satisfied that in the long run the solution of the problems we have been investigating does not lie in setting up and seeking to uphold a particular racial balance in the public services. The answer, we feel, lies in ensuring that the public services and all other areas of governmental responsibility are fair and efficient, both in recruitment to them and in their functioning. For example, if an African policeman culpably fails to protect an Indian citizen, the remedy is not simply to replace him with an Indian policeman; the true remedy is to put a fair and efficient policeman in his place, be he of Indian, African or other racial origin. The default of the African policeman in the first place is a reflection on methods of police recruitment and training; his punishment and replacement are challenges to police discipline and administration. The aim of any branch of Government service or activity must be to serve the common good of the community. This can best be achieved by founding the public services on standards of fairness, probity and efficiency rather than on tests designed to accommodate racial, religious or other sectional interests. If there is to be a racial balance, is there also to be a religious balance? Or balances based on other differences in the community? It is clear that the manning of the public services so as to achieve a balance mathematically commensurate with race would almost inevitably lead to a conflict with necessary standards of efficiency, fairness and equality.

154. It has been suggested that real or apparent imbalances in the public services could be permanently eliminated by the adoption of two procedures; first, the recruitment in the immediate future of sufficient Indians into the relevant public services to bring Indian representation up to the desired level; and second, the maintenance of the desired level of the participation of each racial group thereafter by recruiting personnel on the basis of racial quotas. Except for the police force, and for the special reasons set out in Chapter IV, we reject the first of these expedients as being bad in principle and inimical to the morale of the existing services. We also find the second suggestion unacceptable. Apart from the fact that it is difficult to see how a system of recruitment on the basis of racial quotas could be operated without creating a conflict with Article 11 of the present Constitution of British Guiana, we see grave objections to such a method of recruitment. Experience elsewhere has shown that recruitment on the basis of racial quotas marks out racial origin as a divisive and restricting factor, and is thereby capable of generating worse racial friction than that which it sets out to eliminate. Were such a system to be introduced in British Guiana, we believe it would establish an arbitrary pattern of recruitment and advancement, it would offend against necessary principles of merit and efficiency, and it would tend to prolong, or even make permanent, the present undesirable consequences of racial origin in other walks of life in British Guiana.

155. Having regard to the recent history of British Guiana and the present political-racial division of its people, it would be vain to hope that the specific recommendations we have made in this Report could in themselves bring an early end to discontent with racial aspects of the public services. It is to be doubted if any recommendations could do this. The goal of racial harmony - if only in regard to the public services - cannot be quickly reached from the present starting points of suspicion, fear and antagonism. The investigations carried out by this Commission of Inquiry have been primarily concerned with the part played by race in the public services; but it has not been possible to separate this problem from the larger one of the part played by race in the community as a whole. This is a point that seems to be recognized by our terms of reference, since they require us not simply to recommend the corrections that we consider necessary in the procedures relating to the selection, appointment, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service of personnel in the areas of governmental responsibility, but to make such recommendations as are considered necessary for such corrections. In addition to the findings and recommendations we have already made, we make the following:

(a) The present racial disharmony in British Guiana is due in no small in degree to the uncertainties and tensions of a community passing from colonial tutelage to full independence. While the grant of independence will not in itself provide a solution of the country's racial problems, and may even create fresh problems, we believe that until it is achieved, the community will not find the national self-reliance, the common purpose and the cohesion of nationhood that are necessary for the successful pursuit of a racially integrated society.

(b) Communal and racial disorders in British Guiana in recent years have required the intervention of British troops, and the present degree of peace and order in the country has had the backing of the presence of British troops. In the course of this Inquiry we found widespread anxiety as to the possible consequences of the country's entering into independence without there being available to the Government an adequate military force should an emergency situation develop. Having regard to the nature and extent of the recent disturbances, and the disruption that has sprung from them, we consider that such anxiety is not unfounded. It is clear that if there is to be an early grant of independence, there will not be time to recruit, train and equip an adequate Guianese military force. Accordingly, we recommend that, until such a force has been recruited, trained and equipped, consideration should be given to the possibility of making arrangements, without derogating from the sovereignty of an independent Guiana, for the provision of an adequate military force from outside the country that could be called upon to maintain order should the necessity arise. We consider that it should be a peace-keeping force of such strength, equipment and mobility as would be necessary to provide a military shield against civil disturbances of the kind that have taken place in the last few years. We recommend these temporary measures, not because we expect such disturbances to recur, but because they are a necessary precaution in the disturbed and racially tense conditions that at present exist and may continue for some time.

(c) The provisions as to fundamental rights contained in Part I of the present Constitution of British Guiana (see Appendix VII) and in particular Articles 11 and 13, provide an excellent constitutional basis for a legal polity designed to outlaw racial discrimination. We recommend that these provisions be incorporated mutatis mutandis in the Constitution of an independent Guiana. It is a surprise to learn that, despite the many complaints of racial discrimination that have been made, no proceedings have been instituted in the Supreme Court to have any law or executive or administrative action struck down on the ground that it contravened, or was likely to contravene, the provisions of Article 11, which prohibits the imposition of disabilities or restrictions or the granting of any privilege or advantage on the grounds of race. Articles 11 and 13 constitute a mighty weapon against racial discrimination in the public service. Every effort should be made to encourage recourse to them in appropriate cases. If the power given by Article 13 (1) of the Constitution to the Supreme Court to "make such orders, issue such writs and give such directions as it may consider appropriate for the purpose of enforcing or securing the enforcement of any of the provisions of this Part of this Constitution to the protection of which the person concerned is entitled" is found to be inadequate, the necessary changes in the law should be made so as to ensure that the assertion of the constitutional provisions against racial discrimination and other fundamental rights will not be thwarted by procedural or other difficulties.

(d) Since there will be cases of alleged racial discrimination where it will not be desirable or reasonably practicable to invoke the Constitution in the courts as a means of redress, it would be desirable to have a simple, swift and inexpensive procedure for investigating such cases. Recognizing the need for such an investigation of claims of maladministration (including racial discrimination), the Government of British Guiana has accepted the principle of an Ombudsman and is prepared to invest him with constitutional authority. The case for, and the scope of the authority of, an Ombudsman for Mauritius are set out in the Report of Professor S. A. de Smith as Constitutional Commissioner for Mauritius (see Appendix VIII). Since the racial problems of Mauritius have a certain similarity with those of British Guiana, Professor de Smith's proposals are worthy of close study. However, there is little experience of the working of the office of Ombudsman in the investigation of complaints of racial discrimination in any multi-racial society resembling that of British Guiana. Before setting up the office of Ombudsman, it would be necessary to achieve a wide degree of agreement as to his constitutional standing and jurisdiction. But the success of the Ombudsman must ultimately depend on the acceptability, fairness and skill of the holder of the office. Because it may not be possible to find an individual who will be assured of the necessary degree of acceptability, we have considered a suitably constituted committee instead of an individual Ombudsman for the investigation of complaints of racial discrimination. We do not think that it is possible to be specific as to the nature of the organ of investigation until the matter has been more fully considered and the views of interested parties obtained. All we can say at this stage is that we consider it necessary that there be instituted a summary, inexpensive and easily available authority with the duty of investigating and reporting on complaints of racial discrimination in all areas of governmental responsibility, provided it be made clear that recourse to this authority will not debar a citizen from asserting in the courts any of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution.

(e) Whatever the Government of the day in British Guiana, it must, in the interests of peace and progress, set its face against racial discrimination in all areas in which it has responsibility. But there are certain types of conduct, such as the intentional stirring up of racial hatred and violence, which require not merely to be stopped, but to be punished as crimes. Such conduct, whether it be found in the public service or outside, is inimical to the common good and accordingly falls within the area of Governmental responsibility. It is difficult to see why certain acts that are committed for the purpose of injuring people on the grounds of race should not be made criminal offences. We recommend that such acts be made criminal offences with appropriate penalties. Such legislation should be very carefully drawn, with due regard to the fundamental rights provisions of the Constitution and to the danger that if certain types of racism are made crimes, the result may be the aggravation rather than the suppression of racial differences and antagonisms.

(f) Constitutional guarantees and legislative prohibitions cannot, without more, mould the diverse races, religions and cultures of British Guiana into a viably integrated nation. There will need to be a long and patient cultivation of tolerance, understanding and responsibility. This is not something that is likely to take place spontaneously. It will require to be nurtured from sound educational roots. To this end, there should be instituted as an integral part of primary education a course in Civics. After due consultation with the teaching profession, religious leaders and other interested parties, a standard textbook on the subject should be provided. The aim should be to provide all pupils receiving primary education with a broad knowledge and appreciation of the historical and constitutional basis of the State; its administrative, political and juridical functioning; of the racial, religious, cultural and other main component elements of society; and the rights and duties of citizenship, with due emphasis on tolerance and co-operation and on the fact that differences such as those based on race or religion should be deemed to be an enriching rather than a divisive feature of the Guianese nation.

(g) The fruits of an educational programme can be reaped only in the future. At present most aspects of life in British Guiana are pervaded by the political-racial cleavage. Many differences of opinion are unnecessarily converted into racial or political argument. Political life is marked by widespread and almost automatic non-co-operation and acrimony. While it may be said that it is the function of the Government to govern and of the Opposition to oppose, it should be possible to find wider areas of bipartisan agreement and co-operation. Such a trend would help to heal the racial wounds inflicted in recent years. It should also be possible to achieve increased inter-communication on an inter-racial or non-racial basis between other leaders and groups throughout the community, both at national and local levels. Much too could be done by the Press, while preserving its essential freedom of expression, to give an example of responsibility and restraint. All in all, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the shrilly acrimonious tone of public debate and publicly expressed opinions in British Guiana today contribute nothing to the solution of the racial problems.

(h) In conclusion, this Commission of Inquiry is of the opinion that social, cultural and economic advancement is a necessary concomitant of any scheme to eliminate racial discrimination. Limited opportunities and the tensions generated by under-employment and unemployment have loomed large behind the troubles of the recent past. We are convinced that without widespread economic development British Guiana is not likely to shed the fears and suspicions that lie behind racial discrimination and violence. The scope for expansion is enormous: in agriculture, industry, tourism, fishing, mining, timber and many other activities. The tasks that will lie before the independent Guianese nation that is shortly to emerge will be considerable, and to that extent enlightened Guianese look upon independence as a beginning rather than an end. The economic programme facing the new State will require capital and skills to a degree beyond the immediate resources of the country. It is to be hoped that development will not be retarded for the want of co-operation, assistance and goodwill, both internally and externally.

156. This Report is unanimous.

September 27, 1965

Seamus Henchy
Felix Ermacora
Peter Papadatos

Top Of page

International Commission of Jurists
(Commission of Inquiry) Ordinance, 1965.

BRITISH GUIANA

Arrangement of Sections.

Section

1. Short title.
2. Interpretation.
3. Commission's powers to summon and examine witnesses.
4. Duty of witnesses summoned.
5. False evidence.
6. Privilege from suit.
7. Protection for person giving evidence.
8. Expenses.

AN ORDINANCE to confer certain powers on the Commission of Inquiry constituted by the International Commission of Jurists for the purpose of carrying out certain investigations in relation to British Guiana.

WHEREAS at the request of the Premier of British Guiana, the International Commission of Jurists have constituted a Commission of Inquiry in relation to British Guiana;

AND WHEREAS the International Commission of Jurists have nominated Mr. Justice Seamus Henchy of Ireland (Chairman), Professor Felix Ermacora of Austria, and Professor Peter A. Papadatos of Greece to constitute the Commission of Inquiry;

AND WHEREAS the terms of reference of the Commission of Inquiry are as follows -

"To examine the balance between the races in the Security Forces, the Civil Service, Government agencies or undertakings (including land settlement schemes) and other areas of Governmental responsibility; to consider whether existing procedures relating to the selection, appointment, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service of personnel are such as to encourage or lead to racial discrimination in the areas concerned; to make such recommendations as are considered necessary to correct any such procedures with a view to the elimination of imbalance based on racial discrimination having regard to the need to maintain the efficiency of the services concerned and the public interest.";

AND WHEREAS the Commission of Inquiry propose to commence the investigation in Georgetown on Thursday the 5th August, 1965;

AND WHEREAS it is expedient to make provision in relation to the Commission of Inquiry for certain matters for which provision is made by the Commissions of Inquiry Ordinance (Chapter 59):

Enacted by the Legislature of British Guiana:-

Short Title
1. This Ordinance may be cited as the International Commission of Jurists (Commission of Inquiry) Ordinance, 1965.

Interpretation
2. In this Ordinance, "Commission of Inquiry" means the Commission of Inquiry constituted by the International Commission of Jurists in relation to British Guiana and includes every person nominated by the International Commission of Jurists to constitute the said Commission of Inquiry.

Commission's powers to summon and examine witnesses
3. The Commission of Inquiry shall have the powers of the Supreme Court of British Guiana -

(a) to summon witnesses;
(b) to examine witnesses on oath;
(c) to call for the production of books and documents.

Duty of witnesses summoned
4. (1) All persons summoned to attend and give evidence, or to produce books, plans, or documents, at any sitting of the Commission, shall be bound to obey the summons served upon them as fully in all respects as witnesses are bound to obey subpoenas issued from the Supreme Court, and shall be entitled to the like expenses as if they had been summoned to attend the Supreme Court on a criminal trial, if the same shall be allowed by the Commission, but the Commission may disallow the whole or any part of such expenses in any case, if they think fit. The procedure for the payment of such witnesses shall be the same as nearly as may be for the payment of witnesses in the Supreme Court, and they shall be paid at such time and in such manner as the Commission may direct.

(2) If any person-

(a) on being summoned as a witness before the Commission makes default in attending; or

(b) being in attendance as a witness refuses to take an oath legally required by the Commission to be taken, or to produce any document in his power or control legally required by the Commission to be produced by him, or to answer any question to which the Commission may legally require an answer; or

(c) does any other thing which would, if the Commission had been a court of law having power to commit for contempt,, have been contempt of that court, the Chairman of the Commission may certify the offence of that person under his hand to the Supreme Court of British Guiana, and that Court may thereupon inquire into the alleged offence and after hearing any witnesses who may be produced against or on behalf of the person charged with the offence, and after hearing any statement that may be offered in defence, punish or take steps for the punishment of that person in like manner as if he had been guilty of contempt of the Court.

False Evidence
5. Any person who shall wilfully give false evidence before the Commission of Inquiry concerning the subject matter of such inquiry shall be guilty of perjury under section 327 of the Criminal Law (Offences) Ordinance and be liable to be prosecuted and punished accordingly.

Privilege from suit
6. No member of the Commission of Inquiry shall be liable to any prosecution, action or suit in respect of anything done by him as such member.

Protection for person giving evidence
7. No person giving evidence before the said Commission of Inquiry shall be compellable to incriminate himself, and every such person shall, in respect of any evidence given by him before the said Commission of Inquiry, be entitled to all the privileges to which a witness giving evidence before the Supreme Court of British Guiana is entitled in respect of evidence given by him before such Court.

Expenses 8. Any sum of money required for the purpose of meeting any expenditure in relation to the expenses of witnesses pursuant to the provisions of subsection (1) of section 4 of this Ordinance shall be a charge on the revenues of British Guiana and accordingly shall be statutory expenditure for the purposes of Part VII of the Constitution of British Guiana.

Assented to: 30th July, 1965.

International Commission of Jurists

Commission of Inquiry

The International Commission of Jurists has nominated the following to constitute the Commission of Inquiry which the Prime Minister of British Guiana requested the Commission to constitute:

Mr. Justice Seamus Henchy, Ireland (Chairman)
Professor Felix Ermacora, Austria
Professor Peter A. Papadatos, Greece.

The Registrar of the Commission will be Mr. David W. Sagar, Solicitor.

The terms of reference of the Commission of Inquiry are:

"To examine the balance between the races in the Security Forces, the Civil Service, Government agencies or undertakings (including land settlement schemes) and other areas of Governmental responsibility; to consider whether existing procedures relating to the selection, appointment, promotion, dismissal and conditions of service of personnel are such as to encourage or lead to racial discrimination in the areas concerned; to make such recommendations as are considered necessary to correct any such procedures with a view to the elimination of imbalance based on racial discrimination having regard to the need to maintain the efficiency of the services concerned and the public interest."

The Commission of Inquiry will open its investigation in Georgetown on Thursday the 5th August, 1965.

The Registrar of the Commission of Inquiry will be in Georgetown as from the 15th July, 1965.

Individuals or groups are invited to submit written memoranda for the consideration of the Commission of Inquiry, stating:

(a) Their views as to existing procedures,

(b) Their suggestions as to measures which might be adopted to eliminate sources of racial disharmony.

Such memoranda should be addressed on or before the 23rd July, 1965, to:
The Registrar
Commission of Inquiry
P.O. Box 528
Georgetown
British Guiana

1. Individuals who Submitted Memoranda

Mr. Harry Armogan
Mr. Balgobin
Mr. H. P. Benn
Mr. John Blackeney
Mr. Stephen Campbell
Mr. Norman E. Cameron, M.B.E., M.A.
Sir Richard Catling
Mr. Isaac H. Charles
The Commissioner of Police
Mr. Chas S. Daniels
Mr. Charles David
Rev. H. S. DeCaires, S. J.
Mr. Kelvin W. DeFreitas
Mr. Deokinandan
Mr. Doodnauth
Mr. S. Fairbain
Mr. Percival Forris
Mr. Shiv Gangadeen
Mr. James H. Gollenstede
Mr. Gomes
Mr. A. Grant
Mr. Dhanraj Jaikaran
Mr. Jaipersaud
Mr. R. G. Jemmott-Williams
Mrs. Betty Kalloo
Mr. Sydney King (President of ASCRIA)
Constable Lev-Boy
Mr. A. N. Lochan
Mr. Beaton Edward McGregor
Mr. Felix N. Moriah
Mr. Moses & Others
Mr. Lokie Narine
Mr. Dwarka Nath, M.B.E.
Miss Priscilla Nekram & Others
Mr. Michael Noble
Mr. L. Patiram
Brother Paul
Mr. B. Persaud, B.Sc. (Econ.)
Mr. K. Persaud
Mrs. Maharanee Persaud, B. Sc. (Soc.)
Mr. Oswald Persaud
Mr. Rajendranath Persaud
Mr. Shiv Persaud
Mr. T. Prashad
Dr. M. H. Rahat, & Others
Mr. A. S. Rahim
Mr. B. P. Rambarran
Mr. Ramkellawan
Mr. Lincoln J. Ramkissoon
Mr. J. Ramlagan
Mr. P. Ramrattan
Dr. F. Ramsahoye
Mr. Ramsaywack
Mr. Remewsar & Others
Dr. J. K. M. Richmond
Mr. Mortimer E. H. Salisbury
Mr. B. Sawh
Mr. M. J. Sheik
Mr. Ramnarine Rajpaul Singh
Mr. S. Singh
Major Ivor Smith
Mr. Indradeo Sukhdeo
Mr. Sukhnandan
Mr. McLennan Forbes Turner
Mr. R. E. Whitehead

2. Organizations which Submitted Memoranda

American Aryan League
Berbice Central Arya Samaj
The British Guiana Co-operative Union Ltd.
The British Guiana Property Owners Association
The Civil Service Association
The British Guiana East Indian Association
The Estate Letter Carriers
The Federation of Unions of Government Employees
The Guiana Group for Social Studies
The Guiana United Muslim Party
The Hog Island Land Co-operative Society
The Police Federation
Symposium Group
The British Guiana Teachers' Association
The Trades Union Council
The United Force
West Demerara Central Arya Samaj

List of Witnesses Appearing Before the Commission

August 5, 1965

Attorney General, on behalf of the Government of British Guiana
(Public Session)

August 6, 1965

Attorney General, on behalf of the Government of British Guiana
(Public Session)

August 9, 1965

Attorney General, on behalf of the Government of British Guiana
(Public Session)

The British Guiana Teachers' Association, represented by:
B. B. Blair (President)
L. R. D. Ainsworth (Senior Vice-President)
N. L. Noble (General Secretary)
H. Eversley
V. T. Daly
Mrs. L. Byrne (Junior Vice-President)
Robert N. Wallace (Treasurer)
(Public Session)

British Guiana East Indian Association, represented by:
C. R. Jacob (President)
T. R. Singh (Secretary)
R. K. Brarratt (Treasurer)
A. Prashad
(Private Session)

August 10, 1965

The British Guiana Civil Service Association, represented by:
A. L. Henry (President)
W. P. MacArthur (Hon. Secretary)
R. S. Petrie (Hon. Secretary)
F. O. Emery
F. J. Correia
(Public Session)

Dwarka Nath
(Private Session)

August 11, 1965

D. Jaikaran
(Private Session)

West Demerara Central Arya Samaj, represented by:
Mr. Chandrasheklar and others
(Private Session)

L. J. Ramkissoon
(Private Session)

S. Singh
(Private Session)

August 12, 1965

Public Service Commission, comprising:
Major I. Smith (Chairman)
Mr. O. Dow
Mrs. A. E. Rayman
Mr. J. A. Agard
Mr. A. R. Yhap
Mr. F. A. Denbow
(Public Session)

K. De Freitas
(Public Session)

Charles David
(Public Session)

Symposium Group
(Private Session)

August 13, 1965

The British Guiana Trades Union Council, represented by:
D. R. Persaud (President)
R. S. Ishmael (Adviser)
B. B. Blair (Assistant Secretary)
J. H. Pollydore (General Secretary)
(Public Session)

Mr. N. Cameron
(Public Session)

S. Gangadeen
(Public Session)

Mr. C. Jacob
(Private Session)

Police Federation, represented by:
Inspector A. H. Creavalle
Sergeant Nestor
Corporal Moore
(Private Session)

Representatives of Indian Displaced Persons, Lusignan East
(Public Session)

August 16, 1965

Mr. P. D'Aguiar
(Private Session)

Amerindian Representatives
(Private Session)

Union of Local Authorities - Essequibo District
(Private Session)

August 17, 1965

Guiana United Muslim Party, represented by:
A. S. Manraj
H. Ganie
Dr. M. H. Rahat
E. Bacchus
A. Samad and others
(Public Session)

H. P. Benn
(Private Session)

Mr. P. Ramrattan
(Private Session)

Mr. I. Sukdeo
(Private Session)

Mrs. B. Kalloo
(Private Session)

Berbice Central Arya Samaj, represented by:
B. Singh and another
(Private Session)

Mr. Boodhram
(Private Session)

Sir Richard Luyt
(Private Session)

Sir Joseph Luckoo
(Private Session)

August 18, 1965

Mr. Ian Puttock (Acting Commissioner of Police)
(Private Session)

Colonel de Freitas (Head of Volunteer Force)
(Private Session)

Mr. Thom (Head of Special Branch, Police Force)
(Private Session)

Mr. W. S. D'Andrade (Secretary to the Treasury)
(Private Session)

Mr. M. N. Fernandes (Acting Permanent Secretary for Local Government)
(Private Session)

August 19, 1965

Sir Richard Catling
(Private Session)

The Police Service Commission, represented by:
Major I. Smith and others
(Private Session)

August 20, 1965

L. S. Diyaljee
(Public Session)

United Force Party, represented by:
Mr. F. Singh
Mr. Rupert Tell* (Secretary)
(Public Session)

Hog Island Land Co-operative Society, represented by:
Dr. M. H. Rahat and others
(Public Session)

Mr. Deokinandan
(Private Session)

Mr. Ramlagan
(Private Session)

Mrs. Vieira
(Private Session)

Director of Public Prosecutions
(Private Session)

[Editor's Note: * This should be "Tello".]

Memorandum on the Racial Composition of British Guiana's Public Service

by

G.W. ROBERTS
Professor of Demography
Department of Sociology, University of the West Indies

With the assistance of J.A. BYRNE

***

ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S CHAMBERS
GEORGETOWN,
BRITISH GUIANA.

12th June, 1965.

Dear Professor Roberts,

As you are probably aware, the International Commission of Jurists have been asked by the Government of British Guiana to undertake an inquiry into the question of the balance of the races in the Security Forces, the Public Service, Government agencies and undertakings and other areas of governmental responsibility (including Land Settlement Schemes) in British Guiana. It is hoped that the ICJ will be prepared to undertake this inquiry at fairly short notice having regard to the importance of the issues involved, and I shall be responsible for assembling and preparing the material which the Government should place before the Commission.

It is clear to me that one of the matters on which the Commission would expect to receive assistance will be in connection with demographic questions relevant to the inquiry. In particular, I think it may be of great assistance to the Commissioners if we were able to present to them an appraisal of the available demographic material in so far as it relates to the area of the Commission's inquiry. I have in mind the various censuses up to and including 1960 and the work which you have already done in this field. In addition, I shall endeavour to assemble as much material as can be processed in the time at our disposal in relation to Security Forces and the Public Service generally with a view to presenting the existing racial breakdown in these fields against the background of the wider demographic picture. The Government is anxious that we should leave nothing undone in providing the Commission with an accurate picture and a true appreciation of all relevant matters. In these circumstances, we can think of no one more suited to carry out the appraisal and survey which I have referred to above and I have been authorised by the Premier to ask whether you would be willing to undertake this.

I need hardly say how much I regret having to ask you to consider this proposal at such short notice. I know, however, that you will appreciate the importance of the inquiry to the country as a whole and I hope that you will find it possible to undertake the assignment.

Yours sincerely,

S. S. RAMPHAL
Attorney-General.

[To:]
Professor G. W. P. Roberts
Department of Sociology,
University of the West Indies,
Mona, Jamaica.

**

Memorandum on the Racial Composition of British Guiana's Public Service

Prepared by G. W. Roberts, with the assistance of J. A. Byrne

For a thorough appraisal of imbalance (or balance) in the Public Service a very wide range of analysis would be necessary. Within the time at our disposal and in view of the limited data available on the subject, all that can be attempted here is to present some background material on the racial structure of the country, and to summarise the picture of racial composition of the major sectors of the Public Service. Ideally the racial composition of the Public Service might be treated as an aspect of the social structure of the country and attempts made to establish relationships between it and other social variables. But this cannot be undertaken in the present approach, which merely analyses in simple terms the racial structure of the service and draws some inferences from the association between this structure and a few other characteristics of the personnel, which the limited records afford. Such commentary as is offered on the composition of the Public Service is oriented towards appraising the differentials in racial structure rather than towards demonstrating the absence or existence of imbalances.

In a society with several well defined racial or ethnic groups, imbalance or balance in the Public Service may refer to any group, although the circumstances leading up to the present enquiry point to an especial interest in the degree to which a particular group, the East Indians, may be under-represented in the Public Service as a whole or in a few of its important departments. Despite this interest in a particular group, there seems to be some justification, both in general and in view of the terms of reference of the enquiry, for dealing, as far as possible, with the traditionally accepted racial divisions of the country's population - European, Portuguese, East Indian, Chinese, Negro, Mixed and Amerindian (Aborigine). Possibly an enquiry of this nature may be made more rewarding by seeking to determine the representation of all identifiable racial groups in the Public Service, and what significance, social or otherwise, may be associated with this. Evidently this classification has been developed as a consequence of the types of indenture immigration resorted to, and its several limitations should be emphasised.

The distinction between Negro and Mixed is especially difficult to make, and for many purposes a more satisfactory procedure may be to treat them as a single group. Similarly the differentiation between Portuguese and European cannot be always accurately drawn.

The term "imbalance" implies some departure from a standard or norm and presumably, in the present context, its obverse, "balance ", should imply conformity with such a standard or norm. Part of the difficulty surrounding in enquiry of this nature will inevitably centre around the determination of such norms.

It is conceivable that one can compare the racial composition of the Public Service, or of any of its parts, with crude information on the racial composition of the population of the country as a whole. But in view of the fact that the personnel of the service has to be selected in terms of criteria of age and education, finer types of norms seem to be required. In fact, a variety of social and other variables present themselves as possible bases for developing standards. Racial distribution of the labour force, or racial distribution of that part of the labour force located in the urban centres of the country, may constitute more rewarding standards against which to examine the racial structure of the Public Service.

The focus of enquiry can be more usefully directed towards an analysis of participation of the several racial groups in a significant sector of the labour force, the Public Service. Differential participation by race cannot be treated as entirely unrelated to other forms of differentials among the races. Characteristics other than race may be equally relevant in determining differentiation of function. A social group located in rural areas and predominantly agricultural can hardly participate in essentially urban based occupations to the same extent as can social groups more firmly established in the cities. For instance, in view of the fact that the East Indians in British Guiana have traditionally been engaged in agriculture and have consequently been largely concentrated in the rural areas of the country, we should expect that their participation in predominantly urban occupations, such as Civil Service posts, might differ from the extent to which other racial groups less heavily involved in agriculture and consequently more urbanised, may be involved in the Public Service. And throughout the discussion the East Indian reliance on agriculture must be recalled; thus in 1911, 92% of the gainfully occupied males of this racial group were in some form of agriculture, a proportion which as late as 1931 was still 78%.

Another approach, although not necessarily affording direct evidence of balance or imbalance in participation by the races, may be useful in the present context. This involves attempting to establish a social status hierarchy among the races and assessing the extent to which the pattern of participation of each racial group in the service is in conformity with the ranking derived.

The factors associated with any approach are probably many and complex and cannot be fruitfully explored without due attention to the historical background of the country and its broad demographic position.

Historical Background

British Guiana, like Trinidad, supports many racial groups, largely because of the special historical factors which have characterised much of the entire British Caribbean. An important aspect of the social structure of both countries has been the social status hierarchy associated with their several racial elements.

In many Latin American countries the indigenous Indians continue as an important element of the populations, even though they may constitute minority groups. But in British Guiana this group never attained social prominence or economic significance. In this respect the position here parallels that of most of the other British Caribbean areas. It was the plantation system and the institution of Negro slavery that fixed the basic ethnic composition of the population of these countries. Above all, slavery established the dominance of the White group, and colonial status perpetuated it. Following the abolition of slavery, other forces operated to add to the racial complexity. Shortages of labour on the plantations induced the colony to promote, under the auspices of the British Government, a variety of immigration schemes, the most significant of which was indenture immigration. This commenced in 1838 and continued to 1917, and, under its various schemes, there were introduced workers, and in some cases their families, from India, Madeira and China.[1] In addition, workers of equivalent status were secured as a result of the campaign waged by the British Government against the Atlantic slave trade. Sizeable numbers of liberated African slaves captured in the course of this campaign were introduced into the country between 1834 and 1867. As these movements were kept under close control by the British Government, there are reasonably accurate records of the numbers of the various racial groups entering the country from 1838 to 1917.

Fortunately, from the standpoint of the present enquiry, racial breakdowns have traditionally been given great prominence in the country's migration, census and registration records. It must be recalled that censuses and kindred material on migration which first became available in the early 1840's were designed largely to assess the movements in the country's labour force, the alleged shortage of which constituted a major complaint of the plantation owners of the period. Up to 1881, racial breakdowns took the form of distributions according to country of birth. But by 1891, when the local born persons of immigrant parents had reached a sufficient size, the advantages of a strict racial classification were obvious, and from this year up to 1931 a traditional pattern of census presentation, in which race figured prominently, was established.

Table 1 shows the racial composition of the population of the country from 1841 to 1960. For reasons indicated in the footnote to the Table, the Amerindian population is excluded. Between 1891 and 1960 there have been no major shifts in racial composition of the population, although present indications are that the East Indians will in the near future comprise a much larger proportion than they do at present in view of their extremely high rates of natural increase. The crude birth rate of the East Indians in British Guiana in 1960 stood at 50 per 1000, which was considerably in excess of that shown by the remainder of the population (37), and in fact was among the highest in the world. Striking reductions in mortality have also been in progress throughout the country since the early 1920's. By 1960 the crude death rate among East Indians was down to just under 9, while that for the other elements of the population stood at about 11. These changes are part of the pattern of demographic transition, which is so fully demonstrated in the Caribbean populations. The rate of natural increase among the East Indians therefore, is of the order of 4.1 % per year, as compared with 2.7% for other parts of the population. This differential in rates of natural increase should suffice to ensure a numerical preponderance of East Indians in the country in the near future. In 1891 this racial group accounted for 40% of the country's population, a proportion which moved up slowly to 45% by 1946. Between 1946 and 1960 they increased their proportion markedly to constitute one-half of the total (exclusive of Amerindians). The proportion of the population returned as Negro, declined from 43% in 1891 to 40% in 1946 and 34% in 1960. Between 1891 and 1946 the Mixed category accounted for about one tenth of the country's population. This increased slightly to 13% at 1960, a shift which may testify to increasing miscegenation. Portuguese, White and Chinese have never been at a high level. Together they accounted for 8% of the total in 1891, a proportion which was down to 4% by 1960. This may indicate that these small, relatively high status groups are reproducing themselves at a much lower rate than the remainder of the population. But the change may be equally associated with a growing artificiality of the racial classification in use.

The extent to which indenture and kindred schemes of immigration influenced population growth in the country can be appreciated by considering the numbers introduced prior to 1841 and within the succeeding intercensal intervals; these are given in Table 2. It will be seen that the maximum influx of immigrants took place between 1851 and 1891. By far the largest component of the immigrants were East Indians, of whom 238,900 were introduced, equivalent to 79% of the total number. The next largest group were immigrants from Madeira, who comprised 11% of the total. Africans liberated in the course of the British campaign against the Atlantic slave trade and those recruited directly from Sierra Leone and the Kroo Coast numbered 14,100, that is about 5% of the total. Other groups included mainly Chinese (13,500) and Europeans (400). The introduction of 301,000 immigrants in the course of the period 1838 to 1917 was responsible for establishing the diverse racial structure of the country.

Areal Distribution of Racial Groups

Of the several groups of indentured workers introduced, only the East Indians entered on a scale sufficient to influence sensibly rates of growth and the geographical distribution of the country's population over the 19th century. Because they were recruited for work on the plantations, they determined the size of the plantation population to a very large degree. Following emancipation there was an important development in the distribution of the Negro population. Many of the ex-slaves banded together to purchase land on which they established village settlements and this process meant a considerable exodus from the sugar plantations. The early establishment of the Negro population in villages along the coast constitutes a very important aspect of population redistribution in the country.[2] The indentured immigrants, recruited to take the place of the Negroes, augmented the population of the plantations. From 1891 it is possible to trace in some detail the racial composition of the population on the plantations, that in the villages and that within the major urban centres. The limitations of the census data, on which this analysis must rest, have to be borne in mind. It cannot be established that over the entire period considered - 189l to 1960 - the same boundaries of estates and villages were maintained. Moreover it has to be recalled that the changes noted may to some degree be associated with the gradual reduction in the number of sugar estates, especially within the county of Essequibo.

Clearly the majority of plantation workers were East Indian immigrants and their descendants (see Table 3). During the period 1891 to 1931 between 79% and 86% of all sugar plantation residents were so classified. In 1960 the proportion was still 80%. On the other hand the proportion contributed by Negroes was much smaller, being lowest (10%) in 1911 and highest (15%) in 1931 and 1960. Only negligible contributions from other racial groups are indicated.

The preponderance of East Indians on the sugar estates has not been matched by a complementary preponderance of Negroes in the villages, although the latter continue to form the largest element within these divisions of the country. In 1891, 61% of the village population consisted of Negroes, a proportion which fell to about one-half by 1911 and which continued at this level up to 1931. Of the other racial groups, only the Mixed attained some significant proportion, accounting for about 6% of the total population over the period under consideration.

In the two urban centres the largest racial group has always been the Negro, who accounts for between 47% and 54% of the total between 1891 and 1960. Whereas this group has shown some slight tendency to declining concentration in the urban areas, the East Indians have been characterised by a strong tendency towards urbanisation, a feature which has been especially marked since 1931. Whereas in 1891 only 8% of the urban population were East Indians, this proportion rose steadily until, by 1946, 16% were so classified. In 1960 more than one-fifth (22%) were classified as East Indians. The Mixed group has always been strongly represented in the urban centres. In 1891 they contributed 27% of the total, which was second to that of the Negro group. Subsequent proportions have been somewhat lower, and according to the 1960 census about 22% were returned as Mixed.

Another way of viewing the foregoing position is in terms of the proportion of each racial group located on the sugar estates, living in villages or resident in the urban areas (See Table 4). That the East Indians were, throughout the 19th century, concentrated largely on the sugar estates emerges from the fact that in 1891, 68% of their total number were located there. This proportion declined appreciably in the present century, being 47% in 1911, 42% at the two succeeding censuses and 26% in 1960. The movements in the proportion returned as resident on the villages - about one-quarter in 1891 and 1931 and just over one-third in 1911 and 1921 - could presumably be associated with changes in the areas designated as villages over the 40 year period. The relatively small proportion of East Indians living in the towns has been gradually increasing. From 5% in 1891, it moved to 7% in 1931, to 10% in 1946 and to 13% in 1960.

In contrast to the strong concentration of East Indians on the sugar estates, the Negroes exhibit a much more even distribution over the three types of areas of the country under consideration. The main differences in distribution lie in the case of sugar estates and towns. In the former there are relatively small proportions of the Negro element: the proportion declining from 11% in 1891 to 70%** in 1960. In 1891 about one-half of this group was located in the villages, but with the marked shift into urban centres, the village population declined and by 1931 accounted for 38% of the total. The relatively high degree of urbanisation emerges from the fact that, whereas in 1891 about one-quarter of this group lived in the towns, this proportion was over two-fifths by 1960.

The Mixed group is characterised by a somewhat greater concentration in the towns. In 1891 about 58% were urban dwellers. This proportion fell slightly over the years but was still substantial (53%) at 1960. The village concentration has declined slightly, but has ranged from one fifth in 1891 to 17% in 1931. As is to be expected, there are relatively small proportions, generally less than 5% of this racial group, which have been located on the sugar estates.

It is possible to summarise the broad patterns of concentration noted above by computing indices of segregation, indicative of the degree to which each of the groups tends to be spatially separated from all the others. By comparing the proportion each racial group forms of the total population of each geographical subdivision of the country and aggregating these differences, it is possible to obtain a summary measure of segregation for that group. The index of segregation is merely one half of the differences summed without reference to signs.[3] The greater the index, the more the group to which it refers tends to be spatially removed from the others. It is convenient to apply this approach to the two broad divisions of the country, urban and, rural. The indices of segregation according to the censuses of 1931, 1946 and 1960, are set out in Table 5.

In the urban area, the Negro group shows by far the lowest degree of segregation, while the Mixed are at a somewhat higher level. Highest measures are shown by the White group; here, measures range from 46 in 1931 to 50 in 1946. Appreciable levels are also shown by the East Indians. As will be shown presently, areal segregation in urban areas can be analysed to advantage by linking it to some measure of social status. It is clear that there is appreciable differentiation of residence in terms of the racial groups identified.

So far as the rural population is concerned, there is much less difference in the degree of segregation. In contrast to the urban position, it is the East Indians who show the lowest measure of segregation, that is, they are, within the strictly agricultural districts of the country, the most evenly spread of all the racial groups. Showing a slightly higher measure of segregation are the Negroes, while at' a still higher level are the Mixed group, followed by the White. It is the Portuguese who exhibit the greatest measure of segregation in rural areas in British Guiana.

Racial Groups and their Social Ranking

In view of the dominant social status of the White group, it seems useful to consider its areal distribution as a standard against which to assess the distribution of the other racial elements. One of the principal functions of such a comparison is that it affords some clues as to the social ranking among the several racial groups. In fact the known close association between spatial and social relationships in urban areas suggests that the degree to which the residential pattern of each group differs from that of the dominant White group provides reasonably accurate indications of such ranking.

A consideration of the long persistence of the plantation system, with its resident European personnel and contingents of indenture and free workers, suggests that, at least in the rural areas, marked segregation of any racial group is unlikely, and that the groups are fairly evenly spread throughout the agricultural areas. In the absence of any marked economic differentiation by area, the mono-cultural societies of the British Caribbean presented small inducements to any particular group to isolate itself from the others. This relative lack of segregation in the early days can be traced roughly in some of the West Indian countries. It appears that between 40% and 50% of the White population were located in the towns of the larger colonies, proportions about twice as high as those for other ethnic groups. At the same time, when we look beyond the confines of the small towns then existing, there is little evidence that the White group is markedly segregated from the remainder of the population. Thus the index of segregation for the White population of the rural areas of British Guiana is only 9.4. In Jamaica and Trinidad it is somewhat higher - 17.2 and 15.5 respectively.

We should expect however that departures from a strict agrarian tradition would to some degree modify this pattern in the urban centres, and that a measure of spatial segregation among the different groups, especially as the suburban areas expanded, would emerge. It is therefore necessary to deal with areal distribution of racial or ethnic groups in the urban and in the rural regions of the country separately. While the analysis of spatial distribution of racial groups itself affords clues as to their social status, it is helpful to introduce such other measures of social status as may be available from censuses or other sources. The tabulations of the 1960 census, which will provide several indices of social status by race, such as socio-economic levels and literacy, are not available as yet, so that only tentative analysis along these lines is now possible. Two simple approaches are utilised, one being the degree of urbanisation of the racial groups, and the other the proportion of the population over age 10 who are able to read and write. The first mentioned indices are available for all censuses up to 1960, whereas the latter are available only for censuses prior to 1960.

For British Guiana, the urban areas are taken to include Georgetown and its environs as well as New Amsterdam, while the remainder of the country (exclusive of the hinterland) is treated as rural. For the purpose of the present analysis, which aims at establishing some indication of social ranking among the racial groups, it is instructive to introduce the experience of Trinidad, which has a racial composition not unlike that of British Guiana, and which has in general similar census classifications of race. The urban areas for Trinidad are the towns of Port-of-Spain, San Fernando and Arima, together with the four wards adjoining Port-of-Spain, which in fact are predominantly suburban in character.

Racial classification in Trinidad differs slightly from that of British Guiana, in so far as the Portuguese category is not recognised in the former. According to the 1960 census of Trinidad, the racial group exhibiting the strongest concentration in urban areas is the Chinese, 74% of whom are found there. The other groups are ranked as follows: White (73%); Mixed (63%); Negro (56%); East Indians (22.6%). The corresponding ranking for the population of British Guiana in 1960 is as follows: Portuguese (76%); Chinese (73%); White (62%); Mixed (55 %); Negro (43%); East Indians (13 %).

Proportions of the population able to read and write, the second index of socio-economic status, are in general strongly correlated with the degrees of urbanisation. For British Guiana the dominant White group has the highest proportion literate (98%), according to the 1946 census. There is very little difference among the groups occupying the next three positions - Negro (96.7 %), Mixed (96.3%) and Portuguese (96.1 %). Some distance below these come the Chinese (92.7 %). Lowest on the scale are the East Indians, who, with only 55% of their number literate, are at a marked disadvantage compared with the other racial groups. The pattern revealed in Trinidad at the 1946 census is essentially similar. At the highest level is the White group (96.9%) while there is again a negligible difference between the Mixed (91.5%) and the Negro (90.6 %). At an appreciably lower level come the Chinese (85.5 %). East Indians again appear at a marked disadvantage compared with the others as only half of their number are returned as able to read and write. Both territories establish firmly the Whites as the dominant group and the East Indians as the least advanced, in terms of literacy, while there is a large degree of concordance in the ranking of the other groups. On the whole, literacy seems to be a more satisfactory indication of socio-economic status in the present context.

The indices of segregation already discussed were presented in terms of the literacy ranking just established (See Table 5). It will be noted that this arrangement of the 1931 and 1946 censuses data for urban areas in British Guiana leads to a U-shaped distribution, with the White group occupying one extreme and the East Indians the other. Roughly the same pattern of segregation appears in the case of Trinidad urban centres. But here the U-shaped pattern of segregation indices is not so clearly defined, chiefly because the two groups at the bottom of the scale - the Chinese and the East Indians - show segregation measures of similar magnitude. There is however convincing evidence of marked segregation by both the socially dominant White group and by the group seemingly at the lowest level of the socio-economic scale, the East Indians. So far as the 1946 picture is concerned, there is a large measure of consistency between the social ranking suggested by the indices of spatial distribution and those derived from literacy levels. However, what is important for British Guiana is the change exhibited by the East Indians at 1960. These are no longer at the extreme of the U-shaped distribution, but show an index of segregation (17.4) lower than that of the Chinese (33.5). The suggestion therefore is that between 1946 and 1960, the socio-economic status of the East Indians, at least as measured from the urban data, has been materially raised.

The indices of segregation just considered relate each ethnic or racial group to the sum of all the other racial groups. More revealing are indices of dissimilarity, which permit the study of the difference between pairs of racial groups. Here the method involves comparing the areal distribution of all pairs of groups, and deriving for each pair an index analogous to the index of segregation, but called instead an index of dissimilarity. It is convenient to begin by examining the areal distribution between the dominant White group and each of the others. On the assumption that spatial distance between any two gives some clue as to social ranking, the array of the indices of dissimilarity thus derived should constitute a crude measure of social ranking. Next, let us ignore the dominant White group and use the ethnic group showing the greatest spatial affinity to it as a standard against which to equate the others. This will establish a hierarchy exclusive of the White group. And similarly by excluding the seemingly two highest placed groups we can establish a third hierarchy, and so on. Again following Duncan, we can arrange these in a matrix in which the principal diagonal and the cells above it are blank. Tables 6, 7 and 8 give the indices of dissimilarity for the urban populations of British Guiana and Trinidad for 1931, 1946 and 1960. These are arranged in pairs for purposes of ready comparison.

The situation in British Guiana in 1931 and 1946 remains of some interest because the indices of dissimilarity for the two years are generally of equivalent magnitude and because the hierarchy suggested at the early period is fully maintained at the later one. When the White element is taken as the standard against which to measure the areal distribution of the others, the Portuguese emerge as the one to which it is most closely linked, while the East Indians show an areal distribution most at variance with that of the dominant group. Between these the order of departure from the White increases from Mixed to Negro and to Chinese. When we ignore the White group and take the Portuguese as the standard against which to measure the others, the same hierarchy appears. In fact the pattern established on the initial assumption of White dominance, is maintained throughout.

As a matter of comparison, it is of interest to discuss the position in Trinidad, as this tends to support the hierarchy established for British Guiana. The material with respect to 1960 for Trinidad, in terms of the five ethnic groups recognised, presents a neat hierarchy when the material is once again arranged in matrix form. The ranking revealed is as follows: White, Chinese, Negro, Mixed, East Indian. This ordering is not so well marked in the 1946 census material, which in fact suggests that the Mixed is more akin to the White than the Negro. As in the case of British Guiana, the social ranking suggested by indices of segregation differ somewhat from those established on the basis of proportions literate.

As has already been observed, the indices of urban segregation for British Guiana in 1931 and 1946, when arrayed according to the proportions literate, reveal a U-shaped distribution which in fact reinforces powerfully the evidence of the hierarchy based on literacy. However this pattern is broken by the evidence for 1960, which shows that the East Indians (with an index of 17.4) are no longer at the one extreme of the distribution. Another change between 1946 and 1960 centres around the Chinese, whose index of segregation (33.5) was now the third highest. These shifts, taken in conjunction with those revealed by Table 8, tend to indicate that there has been some uplift in the status of the East Indians (and probably of the Chinese as well) in the urban centres. Definitive evidence on this however must await the detailed tabulations from the 1960 census.

Racial Composition of the Public Service

An examination of the structure of the Public Service, whether in terms of race or of any other variable of its members is a formidable undertaking, and can only be fruitfully pursued by means of specialised surveys. Within the time at our disposal it has not been possible to organise any extended enquiry, while attempts to secure cross classifications involving such simple variables as are available have not been successful. In fact the published lists of the senior clerical service have had to be relied on heavily as these were the major material immediately at hand. The lists analysed are those published for 1943 (The British Guiana Civil Service List, Georgetown, 1943). Less detailed lists (Seniority List of Officers in the Classified Clerical Service) have been available for 1955 and 1960; for 1949 the published list is entitled Staff List of Officers in the Clerical Service at 1st November, 1949. In addition a special list of the Senior Staff was made available by the Public Service Commission, representing the position in 1965. The only source of any information on the lower ranks of the Public Service - messengers and similar types - comes from the 1943 List. In respect of technical officers the only listing available is contained in the special list prepared for the Public Service Commission for 1965.

These lists carry no racial classification. In fact, race is not a factor taken into account by the Public Service Commission in appointments to the Service, nor are designations of race entered in the records of its personnel. Consequently special attempts have to be made to classify each member in terms of the six-fold classification traditionally recognised in the country. Apart from the obvious limitations of any such attempt to identify a person as of a particular race in a society in which a sizeable degree of miscegenation has already taken place, special problems attend classifications based on the names in the older lists. Names are not always reliable guides to race, and where the persons are unknown to the classifier, much uncertainty creeps into the process.

While our concern is mainly with the position of the service in 1943 and later years, it is of interest to have a crude background picture of the service at an earlier date. For this purpose the year 1920 has been chosen. All that can be attempted here is to identify, on the basis of names only, such East Indians as were then in the Public Service. According to this list, of the 491 members of the Civil List, 18 were East Indians, equivalent to less than 4% of the total. And of these 18, only three were professionals (medical officers). The largest group, numbering 11, consisted of interpreters and similar personnel attached to the Judiciary. There were also five clerks. It is of interest to note that at this time, East Indians accounted for 40% of the country's population, and 11 % of its urban population.

It is possible to trace the racial composition of the clerical service from 1943 to 1960 and to compare these with the classifications of the population as a whole and of the urban population, according to the censuses of 1943 and 1960. Such an analysis is most conveniently done in terms of the major categories into which the clerical service is divided. The material available is summarised in Table 9.

The highest grade in the clerical branch of the service which is covered in these lists is that of Chief Clerk. For the initial year of the analysis, 1943, there were only four of these, one of whom was Negro, one Portuguese and two Mixed. The numbers increased by 1949, when there were 27 Mixed, 10 Negroes, 6 East Indians, 3 Portuguese and 1 White. Following the change in the country's Constitution in 1953, the functions of many Chief Clerks were modified or given over entirely to Permanent Secretaries, with a consequent fall in the numbers of the former category. [4] In 1955 there were 7 Mixed persons holding these posts, 10 Negroes, 4 East Indians and one Portuguese. By 1960 all the racial groups, with the exception of the White, were represented, although the Negro and Mixed categories still provided the majority (78%) of the total.

The predominance of Negro and Mixed groups among the senior clerks is also evident. Together these two racial groups account for about 70% of the total category from 1943 to 1955, and at the latest year for which information is available, 73% of all senior clerks are classified as Negro or Mixed. The representation of East Indians has been increasing steadily. In 1943 there was only one East Indian Senior Clerk. By 1955 there were nine, and the number was up to fourteen in 1960, by which time one-fifth of this type of worker was recruited from the East Indians.

The much larger category of clerical worker, the Class I Clerks, suggests that in the lower ranks of the service a notable shift in racial composition has been under way. In 1943 the Negro and Mixed groups together accounted for 60% of this type of worker, a proportion which exceeded 70% in 1949 and 1955, but fell somewhat to 63% by 1960. Concurrently there has been a steady rise in the proportions of East Indians in this category. In 1943 there were only 4, equivalent to 13% of the total; by 1960 there were 52, which accounted for 29% of all Class I Clerks. Portuguese elements have maintained reasonably strong representation here, and so have the Chinese, at least since 1949.

Class II Clerks, who constitute a major segment of the ranks of the clerical service, have again been largely composed of Negro and Mixed personnel. In 1943, 69% of this category were classified as one or other of these, and up to 1955 the corresponding proportion stood at 61%. With the influx of East Indians by 1960 the proportion was down to 55%. The extent to which this category of the service has absorbed East Indians is manifest from the fact that in 1960 there were 132 East Indian Class II Clerks, accounting for 40% of the total. In 1943 there were only 9 East Indians in this part of the service, equivalent to 13% of the total, so that the dominant change in structure between 1943 and 1960 has been the mounting representation of East Indians.

Apparently there has been traditionally a very heavy dependence on the Mixed group for recruitment of females into the Public Service. In 1943 three-quarters of the female secretaries were classified as Mixed, a proportion which has declined to 62% in 1949 and to one-third in 1955 and 1960. Again the racial category which has greatly increased its representation has been the East Indian. Females of this racial group contributed a single member in 1943, and by 1960 there were 6, accounting for 17% of the total of this category.

Another class of female worker - Senior Clerical Assistants - shows slightly less reliance on Mixed personnel. Here the proportion of this racial group has declined as that of the Negro has increased. When the two groups are taken together however, they account for just over three-quarters of the total at 1949 and 1955, and were slightly more (79%) in 1960. East Indian participation has increased slowly, from 8% in 1943 to 16% in 1960.

The lowest grades of the clerical service - Clerical Assistants - show the greatest preponderance of Negro and Mixed categories. In 1943, 69% of the category were classified as Negro or Mixed, a proportion which has increased slightly up to 1960, by which time it amounts to 80%. As a consequence of this the East Indians are only minimally represented here, accounting for 14% of the total in 1943, 12% in 1949 and 1960, and 15% in 1955.

The only material available on racial composition of the lower ranks of employees - messengers, guards and such types - is in respect of 1943. The largest racial group here is the Negro, which accounts for 43% of the total. This together with the Mixed group accounts for 66% of all messengers. Of more significance however, is the fact that 31% of this category consists of East Indians.

The Position in 1965

Despite the continued rural concentration of East Indians, it is manifest from the racial composition of the highest ranks of the professional Civil Service that they have now attained a general level of educational advancement which permits them to participate on an appreciable scale in these categories. Among the most highly paid professional positions, covering salary scales of F1 to F18, one third of the personnel (see Table 10) are East Indians. The next largest group is the Negro, who contributes 27%, while 21 % are returned as Mixed. Of further interest is the fact that within the lower professional grades, corresponding to a salary range of A1 to A34, the concentration of East Indians is somewhat less; here they account for 28% of the total, as compared with 41% for the Negroes, and 16% for the Mixed.

Among the female sector of the professional workers, East Indians are not so strongly represented. Only 8% of this category of workers falls within this racial group, whereas the great majority (70%) are returned as Negro, and 11% as Mixed. A large part of these professionals, it should be noted, consists of teaching staff of Bishops' High School, Queen's College, the Government Training College and medical staff at the Hospitals.

In the administrative categories, the predominance of the Negro and Mixed groups, so evident among Senior Clerical ranks since 1943, is still in evidence. Of the positions covered by the salary range F1 to F18, 67% are filled by Negro or Mixed persons. This is considerably in excess of the East Indian contribution, which amounts to only 20%. At the lower levels, that is among positions with the salary range of A1 to A34, the Negro-Mixed group once more figures prominently, comprising three-quarters of the total, whereas only one-fifth are East Indians. A much more even distribution of the races is evident among female administrative staff at this level. The Mixed group contributes 31%, while the Negro and East Indian each contribute one- quarter. A fairly substantial proportion (19%) is contributed by the White and Portuguese elements.

Among the clerical staff at the level of A1 to A34, the Negroes constitute the largest group (42%), and the East Indians the next largest (32%), while the third largest is the Mixed (18%).

Police Force

Material obtained on this branch of the Security Force has been somewhat more detailed than that supplied for any other section of the Public Service, although, even here it does not permit a systematic analysis of recruitment. It has not been possible to trace racial composition of the Force over any length of time. Reference to census data on occupation among East Indians suggests that as early as 1891 police were recruited from this racial group. Census data shows 66 East Indian Police in 1891, 24 in 1911, and 20 in 1921. These are not given separately in the 1931 census but are combined with the Militia and Prison Service, all of which amounted to 38 at this period. It is unlikely that these figures represent the true position, as they may include Special Constables and similar auxiliaries in addition to regular Police, but they do indicate some representation of this group in the Police at an early date.[5]

The racial composition of the several branches of the Police Force is summarised in Table 11. Among the highest ranks, the Officers, the great majority (69%) are classified as Negro, while about 12% are Mixed. One tenth of the total are European, while the smallest number is contributed by the East Indians who provide 8%. The preponderance of Negro is repeated among the Inspectors in the Force, 80% of whom fall within this racial group, while East Indians account for 13% and Mixed for 7% of all Inspectors. Of the 106 Sergeants in the Force again the vast majority (87%) are Negro, while East Indians and Mixed elements account for about 6% each. Roughly the same pattern is repeated among the Corporals, who show 80% of their strength as Negro, 10% as East Indians and 8% as Mixed. There are just over 1,100 Constables in the Police Force and 73% of these are classified as Negro and 22% as East Indians. Only 4% are returned as Mixed.

In summary, the total strength of just under 1,600 men as of 1965 is comprised of about 1,160 Negroes, 290 East Indians, 80 Mixed, 10 Portuguese and European, 10 Chinese and Amerindian. Thus about three-quarters of the Force are Negro, while the second largest group, the East Indians, contribute 18% of the total and the Mixed contribute 5%.

Material on the length of service of the various racial groups suggests that the Negro and Mixed have been long established in this Sector of the Public Service. Of the 830 Negro Constables, about 29% have had more than 15 years service, while the corresponding proportion for the East Indians is only 6%. The average Negro Constable has been in the service 11.1 years, which is nearly twice as long as the corresponding figure for the East Indian (5.8 years). This suggests that whereas the Negro element has been traditionally strongly represented in the Force, the East Indian element has only recently attained appreciable representation. In fact it is clear that the recruitment of East Indian Constables has been stepped up appreciably within the past year. It appears that 27 East Indian Constables, that is 11% of the total, have had no more than one year's service, whereas the corresponding proportion for the Negro group is just half of this.

Another significant aspect of the Police Force centres on its recruitment. An examination of the material furnished by the Ministry of Home Affairs makes it possible to compare the proportions of applicants of Negro, East Indian and Mixed origin who were selected for the Force during the period 1960 to 1964. These are summarised in Table 12. Over the entire period there were 5,160 Negro male applicants, of whom 4.8% were selected. Applications from East Indian males numbered 4,600, and of these 3.9% were selected. Among Mixed applicants, who numbered about 300, the percentage selected was 4.4. Much lower percentages of females applying were selected. In the case of the Negroes there were 1,600 applications and of these only 22 or 1.3% were selected. Three of the 110 applicants of Mixed origin were recruited. In the case of the East Indian, 480 applied over the period, but only 2 were chosen. (These joined the Force in 1964.) There does not appear to be any trend in the rates of applicants selected between 1960 and 1964. Selection was at its highest level in 1961, when it was between 9% and 10% for males of all racial groups.

Another aspect of recruitment is the rate of intake relevant to the strength of each racial group. This once more cannot be systematically studied, in the absence of data on the composition of the Force prior to 1965. However by relating the mean intake for 1963-1964 to the strength at 1965 some crude indications can be obtained. This shows that the percentage intake for both sexes among the East Indians was 9.4, that for the Negroes 3.2, and that for the Mixed 2.4. Thus, if the rates of decrement to which these several groups are subject, do not vary greatly, then it can be concluded that increases in the East Indian component are now about three times as high as that of the Negro and about four times as high as that among the Mixed.

It is of interest to consider statistically some aspects of selection. This cannot be done systematically over any length of time, but the records provided in connexion with the special recruitment campaign, which was in force from November, 1960 to June 1961, provide some information which may be instructive. Of 634 Negro applicants, 32 were eventually selected, while 586 East Indian applicants also yielded 32 selectees. If the process was in fact carried out in terms of the sequence indicated in the data supplied, it is possible to estimate the probability of rejection or failure at the several stages. These probabilities of rejection for the two racial groups involved, East Indian and Negro, are presented in Table 13A. It is manifest that by far the most important ground for rejection is the failure to pass the examination set for the candidates: failure rates of 85% for Negroes and 77% for East Indians are indicated. If these are characteristics of the system of recruitment in general then the standard of the examination prescribed may be at variance with the level of educational attainment laid down for the recruits.

It is however essential to consider the probability of rejection and of failure in the succession of stages that apparently characterises the process of selection. It appears that applicants were first subjected to a physical examination. This was responsible for the rejection of one-third of the Negro applicants and of 46% of those of East Indian origin. Those whose physical status conformed to the prescribed requirements had then to go through a screening process, which effected a further reduction in numbers, to the extent of one-fifth among Negroes and one-quarter among the East Indians. This elimination was done on a series of curious grounds, including rejection "owing to being married" "owing to having illegitimate child" and "owing to being too old ". Next, age considerations were taken into account and on this basis 7% of the Negro and 12% of the East Indians who survived to this stage were rejected. Evidently the examination, the high failure rate of which has already been referred to, was administered to 311 Negroes and to 203 East Indians. It is remarkable that 46 of each racial group were successful, and equally remarkable that 32 were finally selected from each racial group.

Other Branches of the Security Forces

Other branches of the Security Forces and kindred organisations cannot be examined fully because of the lack of detailed information about them. But in the present context especial interest attaches to their racial composition. (Table 14.)

The strong representation of the Negro element characteristic of the Police Force is repeated in the Volunteer Force. According to the classification provided, 88% of the total strength consists of persons of Negro descent, and 9% are East Indian. Among the Officers, Negro concentration is high (84%), while only 6% are returned as East Indian. However, at the lower level East Indian participation is more prominent, as this group accounts for about one- tenth of the Force below the rank of Corporal.

The Special Service Unit has evidently been recruited in such a way as to ensure "balance" or near balance in respect of the East Indian and Negro components. This has resulted in virtually equal representation of the two racial groups. Of the 26 Officers, half are East Indians and the other half Negroes, while of the 117 Constables 51% are East Indians and 47% Negroes.

The British Guiana Special Constabulary, consisting of 29 Officers and 407 Constables, shows once more a predominance of Negro elements. Among the Officers, this predominance is less marked as 55% fall within this group, 17% are Mixed, 14% Portuguese and 14% East Indians. Among the lower ranks however, three-quarters are Negro and 22% East Indians.

Personnel responsible for Prisons are also largely of Negro origin. Of 22 Officers, 18 are Negro and the remainder are Mixed. Among the lower ranks the East Indians are represented, accounting for 16% of the total strength, but Negro preponderance is still manifest, as 84% of the total fall within this racial group. A slightly different pattern characterises the Fire Brigade. Here Officers are 85% Negro, 9% Mixed and 4% East Indian. Unlike most of the other branches of this sector of the Public Service, however, the East Indians show stronger representation among the lower ranks than among the Officer class. Just over one-fifth of the Brigade's firemen are East Indians, and 61% Negro, while the proportion returned as Mixed is 16%.

Two points seem to distinguish the East Indian from the Negro participation in the Security Services. In the first place it is clear that the general representation of the former is much lower than that of the latter, with the single exception of the Special Service Unit, where evidently equality between the two groups has been deliberately sought. In the second place representation of the East Indians among the lower ranks in the service tends to be higher than the representation among the Officers, except in the case of the Special Service Unit. This differential in representation is especially marked in the staff of the Prisons, which has no East Indians among its officer class, the Fire Brigade and the Volunteer Force. With the one exception, therefore, low representation of the East Indian Officers is more prominent than low representation among the lower ranks.

Information on the selection of the ranks of the Special Service Unit in January, 1965, provides a basis for estimating a few statistical aspects of recruitment, analogous to those already derived from the material relating to the Police Force. As will be seen from Table 13B, the largest component of wastage in the selection process is again failure to pass the prescribed examination. As in the case of the Police Force, it is remarkable that the highest probabilities of rejection are in respect of failing to pass the prescribed examination; even more remarkable is the fact that the failure rate is exactly the same for each racial group. However it is of interest to consider the process of selection as a sequence of rejections, and to calculate, as was done for the Police, probabilities of failure or rejection at each successive stage. The chances of not showing up for the initial interview after being invited to do so - 42% for East Indian and 32% for Negro - are very close to the comparable figures for the Police. Rejection on the basis of obvious physical defects is very high, being 55% among East Indians and 34% among Negroes. Failure to present themselves for the prescribed examination results in the loss of 28% of the East Indians and one-fifth of the other group. Among the 93 East Indians and the 193 Negroes who successfully completed the examination, there was substantial elimination, based on interviews, medical examinations and other factors, which reduced the effective number by one-quarter in the case of East Indians and by 71 % in the case of Negroes. It is of interest that the East Indians show an appreciable proportion resigning after recruitment (12%); on the other hand, of the Negroes finally selected none have so far resigned.

Education

Information here is fragmentary. Apart from the staff of the secondary schools, the experience of which has been covered under the description of the 1965 position of the service, all that is available is a simple racial breakdown of the Primary school teachers which is summarised in Table 15. This is one category, over which especial care has to be taken in analysis, as they spread over the entire country. The material prepared by the Ministry of Education does not make it possible to derive estimates of the numbers located in the rural areas and those in urban areas. There are slightly more male teachers (2,800 than there are females (2,500). It is clear that the major ranks of the primary school teachers are drawn from East Indians and Negroes. In the case of the males the proportion of the East Indian is slightly higher than that of the Negro - 54% as against 42%. But the position is reversed in the case of the females, since here 67% of the teachers are Negro and 27% East Indian. When both sexes are taken together it appears that 41% of the teaching body are East Indians and 54% Negroes.

Government Corporations

There are a number of quasi-Government bodies or Corporations operating in the country and employing a total of about 3,700 persons, and the racial composition of their staff, which is summarised in Table 16, demands some attention, especially as recruitment to these bodies is not, except for some of the very high posts, under the auspices of the Public Service Commission. The oldest established of these bodies, the Transport and Harbours Department, shows the traditional preponderance of personnel of Mixed descent; in fact 77% of their staff are recruited from this racial group. These, together with the Negro component, account for 85 % of the staff, while the East Indians contribute a proportion of 14%.

By contrast, the newer Corporations depend to a much smaller extent on Negro personnel. Thus the British Guiana Rice Marketing Board, which has a moderately long existence, maintains a staff of whom just over half are Negro and just under half East Indian. The staff of the British Guiana Rice Development Company is predominantly East Indian, 59% of its members belonging to this group. The Guyana Marketing Corporation has a predominantly Negro staff, with 60% belonging to this group, and 28% being listed as East Indian. It seems that the most evenly spread racial distribution is revealed by the Guyana Airways Corporation. East Indians again comprise the largest component, accounting for 39% of the total. Negroes account for one-third, and Mixed for 15%, while European, Portuguese, Chinese and Amerindian are also represented. Even in a body long in existence, such as the Electricity Corporation, moreover, the dominance of Negro personnel is not so strong. Negroes account for 57% of the total and East Indians for just under one-quarter.

Land Settlement

The pattern of racial distribution on the Land Settlement Schemes of the country is a marked preponderance of East Indians. The largest and most recently established of these, Black Bush Polder in Berbice, showed at the end of 1964, 92% of its 1,200 farmers as East Indian and 8% as Negro; this represents the highest proportion of East Indians in all the Settlements. The major Land Settlement in Essequibo, Anna Regina, which has a fairly long history, also has a very high proportion of East Indians (87%), and nearly all the others are persons of Negro descent. The racial composition at Onverwagt also shows a preponderance of East Indians, who account for 77% of the total, while the position is similar at Mara, which shows 78% of its farmers East Indian. Table 17 presents racial composition and other material for three of the Land Settlements.

In general two types of recruitment for Land Settlement have been in force. In one type, persons from a given location, for instance an abandoned sugar estate, were resettled on the selected area. In the second, applications were invited from the country as a whole for holdings in the scheme, and the criteria for selection did not usually include place of residence. On these grounds therefore close agreement should not necessarily be expected between the racial structure of all settlements and those of the areas surrounding them. Nevertheless, there may be some general interest in seeing to what extent the racial structure of the settlement departs from that with which it is surrounded. In general the pattern revealed is that the concentration of East Indians is in excess of the proportion which this population forms of the surrounding areas. For instance the concentration of East Indians in the Black Bush Polder appreciably exceeds the proportion (73%) which East Indians form, of the adjoining coastal population. In the case of the Essequibo Settlement 70% of the population surrounding the settlement were East Indians in 1960, which is lower than that of Anna Regina.

Apart from strength of representation, there seems to be little contrast between the two major groups constituting the several Land Settlements. In respect of size of holding the usual practice seems to be to provide either one or two standard sizes and in general the average holding differs very little by race of farmer. In the case of Onverwagt it is true that the average East Indian farm is just under 15 acres, as compared with just over 11 for the Negroes, but on other settlements the difference is negligible.

The records provided give also the amount of rent owed by farmers up to the end of 1964, but again it is difficult to establish what is the significance of the small differences noted. The average East Indian on Onverwagt owed $130, as compared with $93 for the Negro, whereas on Black Bush Polder the average owed by East Indian, $774, is less than that owed by the Negro farmer, which stands at $899. The comparable figures for Anna Regina are $134 for East Indians and $142 for Negroes. Another statistic which can be gleaned from the records is the percentage of the farmers who at the end of 1964 owed no rent. Again it is impossible to add any interpretation to the material presented in the Table.

Assessing "Balances" and "Imbalances"

The difficulty of establishing racial distributions with which the foregoing distributions noted in the Public Service can be compared for the purpose of assessing levels of "imbalance" or "balance" has already been indicated. If the racial distribution of the entire population of the country is taken as a standard against which to assess the existing structure of the service, then in only a few cases can it be said that the level of East Indian participation approaches the level this group forms of the total population. This group comprises 44% of the 1946 population and 48% of the 1960 population, and these are in general in excess of the proportions this group forms of the several sectors of the Public Service. By contrast, the substantial proportions of Negro and Mixed personnel in the many branches of the Service appreciably exceed the proportion they form of the country's population as a whole. Nevertheless, in view of the procedures of recruitment for the Civil Service and the standards demanded of its recruits, it may be more satisfactory to institute comparisons of racial structure of the Service with that of the urban population solely; and this is the procedure adopted here in general. The racial composition of the total and urban population of British Guiana according to the 1946 and 1960 censuses is set out in Table 18.

Comparisons between the Civil Service and the urban 1960 population in respect of racial composition shows that in the higher ranks there is not much difference in respect of representation of the Negro-Mixed, which account for about 70% in both cases. Among the lower ranks of the Service however, the proportions falling within these two racial groups are lower and here it appears that the representation of Negro-Mixed in the service falls under the level which these constitute of the entire urban population.

In 1960 the proportion of East Indian in the urban population stood at 22%, which is somewhat higher than the corresponding levels for the higher grades of the service. However so far as the lower ranks are concerned, especially among Class I and Class II clerks, the percentage of East Indians is appreciably higher than that for the urban population as revealed by the 1960 census.

In respect of females in the Public Service, despite the fact that the proportions of East Indians have been rising between 1943 and 1960, the level among East Indian Secretaries and Senior Clerical Assistants in 1960 - 17% and 16% respectively - falls short of the proportion this group forms of the urban population (22 %).

The position of the Civil Service in 1965, with its enhanced participation of East Indians compared with their position in 1960, means that the Negro-Mixed component shows a proportional representation somewhat lower than the level they form of the urban population. On the other hand the position is reversed among the East Indians, whose representation at this time appreciably exceeds that indicative of their strength in the urban areas of the country.

In regard to the Security Forces, their racial composition in 1965 shows that among the lower ranks of the Police Force, the Special Constables and the Fire Brigade, the racial composition is not far removed from that of the urban population as a whole. The proportional distribution among firemen shows however that the East Indian representation falls below the corresponding level for the urban population. On the other hand the Special Service Unit which has secured rough equality between Negro and East Indian of necessity evinces a concentration of East Indians appreciably higher than that of the urban population.

In respect of Officers, the proportion of Negro-Mixed personnel in the Security Forces exceeds the corresponding proportion for the urban population as a whole. In the Police Force, the Volunteer Force, the Prisons and the Fire Brigade these two categories furnish between 88% and 97% of the officers; in the case of the Prison staff, all officers are of this racial classification. These are markedly in excess of the level they form of the urban population. Conversely East Indian representation in these branches stands below the level they form of the urban population as a whole.

Data which would permit the derivation of participation rates of the urban labour force by race and by fine classifications of industry and occupation are not available for the 1946 census. In fact such specialised tabulations are not usually produced in population censuses. The cross tabulations to be produced under the 1960 population census will prove useful in analyses along these lines, but even here the treatment of the Public Service will not be in sufficient detail to make adequate comparisons of the existing position with standards or norms from the census wholly conclusive. It is anticipated however that the tabulations of the Man Power Survey, when available, will assist in studies of this problem of the relationship between racial participation in the Public Service and the wider aspects of racial participation in the labour force of the country.

The material on the composition of the Public Service has so far been utilised in terms of the racial distribution. But it is possible to consider it in a different manner: that is to compute the proportion of each racial group falling within the several ranks of the service. Such treatment should be limited to the large components - Negro, East Indian and Mixed, because of the very small number of the other racial groups. The data are summarised in Tables 19, 20 and 21. The proportions found in the higher brackets of the service - Senior Clerks and higher grades - can presumably be taken as an indication of participation in the higher status levels of the service. It is clear that the largest proportion is found among the Mixed group, and the smallest among the East Indian, except for 1949, when the lowest proportion is found among the Negroes. This position is in keeping with the social hierarchy suggested by literacy rates, proportions urbanised and indices of dissimilarity, all of which tend to show a hierarchy, Mixed, Negro, East Indian.

This position tends to be confirmed by considering the proportions of each racial group functioning as Class I and Class II Clerks. With the exception of 1960 the pattern is that the concentration is highest among the East Indian and lowest among the Mixed.

In terms of the lowest category of the service, the Clerical Assistants, the year 1943 shows that the proportion of these returned for each group increases as we move from the Mixed to the Negro and the East Indian, which is in conformity with the social ranking already indicated. However subsequent years show that the proportion of Clerical Assistants among the East Indian has been steadily declining from 26% in 1943, to 20% in 1949, to 19% in 1955 and to 12% in 1960. Available data is inadequate for a satisfactory study of this movement, but it may imply that the rate of intake of East Indians in the Clerical Service has been declining in recent years.

The data for 1965 throw some more light on the situation, because it is possible to introduce the participation of each racial category in the professional ranks of the service as well (Table 20). The outstanding feature of the position in 1965 is the strong concentration of East Indians in the professional and technical branches of the Civil Service. Among the highest salary scale categories, those ranging from F1 to F18, it appears that 81% of the East Indian personnel are in the professional and technical branches. The corresponding proportions for Negro and Mixed are 70% and 61% respectively. An essentially similar pattern emerges for the lower grades of salary, those ranging from A1 to A34. Here 66% of the East Indians are in professional and technical positions, a proportion higher than those for the Negro (59%) and the Mixed (55%). Moreover, unlike the position in the lower Clerical grades already discussed, there is not much disparity in participation in respect of the clerical ranks associated with these salary scales. Among the small number of females in these higher branches of the Service in 1963, the preponderance in terms of professional categories is in favour of the Negroes, 89% of whom are in such positions, as compared with one half for the East Indians and the Mixed.

In applying such an approach to the Security Forces it is convenient to adopt a two-fold classification in terms of Officers and lower ranks. Although there are notable exceptions, the general pattern seems to be for the proportion of Officers to be highest among the Mixed group and lowest among the East Indians, with the Negroes maintaining an intermediate position (Table 22). In the Police Force 40% of the Mixed contingent are Officers, as compared with 29% for Negroes and 13% for East Indians. All persons of Mixed race in the Volunteer Force belong to the Officer class, which forms 23% of the Negro component and 16% of the East Indian. No significant difference is found between East Indian and Negro participation in the Officer ranks of the specially constituted Special Service Unit, 18% of the former and 19% of the latter being officers. In the case of the Special Constables just over one-quarter of the Mixed personnel are Officers, a proportion considerably in excess of those for the Negro (5%) and the East Indian (4%). In the Prison Staff all Mixed personnel are Officers, whereas among the East Indians there are no Officers, while one-tenth of the Negroes are so classified. Among the Fire Brigade personnel it is notable that the highest proportion of Officers (37%) appear in the Negro group, while the Mixed show one-fifth and the East Indian only 7%.

When we turn from the strictly defined Government agencies, most of which are centred in the towns, and consider the quasi-Government bodies and services, some of which are firmly based in the rural areas, racial differentiation of another kind tends to emerge. The pattern of racial composition of the staff of the Government Corporations is one of higher representation of East Indians. In the British Guiana Rice Development Company, the British Guiana Rice Marketing Board and the Guyana Airways Corporation, the proportion of East Indian staff appreciably exceeds that proportion which this racial group forms of the urban population. In the case of the British Guiana Rice Development Company, the proportion of its staff who are East Indians amount, to 59%, which is much more than the 22% which they form of the entire urban population. Correspondingly the proportion of Negro and Mixed personnel in the Government Corporations tends to be somewhat lower than the proportion they form of the urban population. With the exception of the Transport and Harbours Department and the Guyana Marketing Corporation, the proportion of Negro employees is either equal or slightly lower than the proportion which they form of the total urban population.

The only information on exclusively rural operations relevant to the present enquiry concerns the farmers on the Government Land Settlement Schemes. These it will be recalled show a marked preponderance of East Indians and they constitute a much larger part of the Settlement population than they do of the general population surrounding these areas.

Conclusions

Certain tentative conclusions may be drawn from the analysis so far. It seems that East Indian participation in the Public Service has increased slightly up to about 1955, but that there may be some reduction in their rate of entry into the lower ranks of the Service now. The evidence for 1965, however, is that the higher salaried posts attract proportionately more East Indian than Negro or Mixed, and it is therefore in the professional and technical positions that the East Indians tend to concentrate.

In respect of the Public Corporations, there is evidence of enhanced participation among East Indians. This is especially marked in the British Guiana Airways Corporation. Of interest also is the strong representation of East Indians in Corporations involved in the production and marketing of rice, a situation which seems to reflect the extent to which this racial group is associated with the production of this crop. The position on the Land Settlement Schemes once more emphasises that the connexion with rice tends to involve heavy concentration of East Indians.

For firm confirmation of much that can be only tentatively inferred from the present analysis, extensive study will have to be undertaken. Information in respect of entry into the Service over a period of years, by race and educational attainment, as well as by socio-economic status and place of residence would in fact be necessary for an insight into these problems. In the absence of such material, attempts to throw further light on the situation must be somewhat speculative. But it may be instructive to note some changes which seem to have taken place and which might have affected the racial structure of the Public Service as a whole.

The traditional dominance of the Europeans, long a feature of the Caribbean, has been gradually declining throughout the region and it seems safe to take as an indication of this, the decline in the relative numerical importance of these people. For instance, in British Guiana, Europeans constituted 1.2% of the total population of the country in 1861; this proportion declined steadily and by 1960 was down to 0.6%. This has probably been accompanied by some falls in their participation in the Civil Service of the country. Apart from the extent to which a decline in the relative size of the group might have contributed to their reduced participation in the Service, a significant development has been the creation of many positions in commerce and industry which demand European incumbents. Such withdrawals of Europeans from the service might have reduced its prestige value generally.

Again, as Europeans declined relatively in numerical importance, and presumably gave up many of the higher positions in the Government, other ethnic groups sought to fill their place. The fact that these positions were predominantly urban based would indicate that the groups most likely to be absorbed in them would be the Mixed and the Negro, who were relatively strongly concentrated in the two towns of the country. Presumably the Mixed would be more successful in attaining the higher posts, while the Negroes, at a lower level of education, would have to be content with the junior positions in the Service.

Up to the second decade of this century, the size of the East Indian component in the urban centres was not such as to offer strong competition to the other racial elements for positions in the Public Service, a condition which must have been reinforced by their relatively low educational status.

Amore recent development, the mounting urbanisation of the East Indians, has undoubtedly meant a greater competition with the Mixed and the Negro elements for positions in the Service. This competition is well demonstrated today in the comparatively large proportions they constitute of the professional and higher administrative sectors of the Government Service.

An important element in the present consideration is the extent to which employment in the Public Service is now deemed to be of high prestige. With the growth of commercial openings for persons with secondary schooling, and the relative ease with which those who have reached thus far, can proceed to University level, the traditional attraction of the Public Service might have declined. Such a career might be less appealing to a clerk who has to start at the bottom of the scale. More attractive would be direct entry into the top grades of the administrative level or in professional positions, which appropriate qualifications would ensure. Entry at the lower levels might in any event constitute short term engagements to be terminated as soon as some more remunerative position is obtained, or some opportunity of pursuing further study is assured.

Relevant also is the attraction of the several branches of the Security Forces. So far as the Police Force is concerned, such prestige as it enjoyed in the past may have waned recently. Dissatisfaction with conditions of service has been voiced on many occasions recently, and the number of withdrawals from the ranks in recent years - ranging from 62 in 1960 to 14 in 1963, and equivalent in 1965 to a rate of 3%, may be in fact indicative of such dissatisfaction. But clearly for a firmer assessment of the prestige in which the Police Force is held a detailed enquiry would be necessary.

The more recently established branches of the Security Forces may carry more prestige. In a society approaching full independence, the armed forces often assume a degree of importance which they hitherto lacked, especially those sections of it which are established as the nucleus of an army. The enhanced career possibilities thus opened probably suffice to attract many more recruits than the traditional sections of the Services. And in the absence of criteria based on race, it seems inevitable that there should be some approach to equality in the number of applicants between Negro-Mixed on the one hand and East Indian on the other hand. These are aspects, the full elucidation of which must rest on a thorough study of applications and recruitments. One of the prime limitations of the data available for study is the relative paucity, so far, of material on applications, which can, with safety, be related to corresponding data on recruitment.

On the assumption that the Departments of Government will continue to be urban centred and staffed by persons of relatively high educational qualifications, the general conditions in the country may significantly affect racial participation in them. In view of the small numbers of European, Portuguese and Chinese in the country, it is convenient to treat its population, for the present purpose, as composed of two groups, East Indian and Negro-Mixed.

Urbanisation of East Indians has been increasing steadily and this trend will doubtless continue. Indeed because of the phenomenal rates of natural increase exhibited by them, their urban concentration should increase markedly in the near future. It is possible that large-scale economic development in the hinterland areas may modify slightly the general pattern of urbanisation, but it is difficult to say whether such development, if it takes place, will involve one racial group to a greater extent than another.

Education also will affect appreciably the relative strength of the races in the Public Service. The pattern of low educational standards among East Indians is clearly changing, with marked emphasis being placed on secondary education and training for the professions. To the extent that motivation enables this group to improve its educational status, to that same extent will their chances for representation in the higher sections of the Service be improved.

Economic development will produce a considerable expansion in job opportunities, especially for persons with secondary and technical qualifications. Differential participation in, as well as success in, entrepreneurship will also affect the participation of the several racial groups in Government operations. For if one of the groups shows greater success and initiative in this field the result may be a preponderance of persons of that racial group in higher placed positions in industry and commerce. Such developments, with changes in urban structure which may accompany it, will doubtless bring added Ministerial responsibilities and thus tend to augment the demand for Civil Servants; and there seems to be no reason why a demand of this nature should embody racial differentials. On the other 'hand it has to be considered whether expanded operations of this nature, both within the urban centres and beyond, will make the Public Service less attractive.

[Notes]

1. *For discussions of the course of indenture immigration into the British Caribbean, see G. W. Roberts, The Population of Jamaica, Cambridge, 1957, which also gives further references. Immigration of Africans into the British Caribbean during the nineteenth century is dealt with in G. W. Roberts "Immigration of Africans into the British Caribbean", Population Studies, Vol. VII, No. 3, March, 1954. A comprehensive collection of statistics on Indenture and kindred immigration into the entire British Caribbean will be found in a forthcoming paper in Population Studies, G. W. Roberts and J. Byrne, "Summary Statistics on Indenture and Associated Migration Affecting the West Indies, 1834-1918".

2. There are some interesting discussions of the growth of village settlement by J. Graham Cruickshank, "The Beginning of our Villages", Timehri, Vol. VII, Third Series, August, 1921, and in J. E. Godfrey "Village Administration and Local Government in British Guiana", Timehri, Vol. II, Third Series, No. 2, December, 1912.

3. O. D. Duncan, "The Measurement of Population Distribution", Population Studies, Vol. 11, 1957, pp. 27-45; O. D. Duncan and Beverly Duncan, "A Methodological Analysis of Segregation Indexes", American Sociological Review, Vol. 20, 1955.

4. The small number of Permanent Secretaries is not included in the present analysis. It appears that only one of the persons who have so far filled these posts has been an East Indian.

5. According to W. A. Orrett, The History of the British Guiana Police, Georgetown, 1951, p. 18, there were 47 members of the Force who were of East Indian origin in 1883.

[Editor's note: ** This figure is obviously a misprint in the original report. It should be 7%.]

TABLE 1

Racial Distribution of the population of British Guiana excluding Amerindians, according to census of 1841-1960

Note:
Censuses prior to that of 1891 gave distributions by place of birth and not by race; in this table entries in respect of these early censuses represent persons born in Madeira, India and China, respectively. From the censuses of 1891 to 1960 full racial break-downs are available. The number of Portuguese entered for 1960 is provisional. The census of 1960 was the first which effected a complete enumeration of Amerindians in the interior. Because of incomplete coverage prior to 1960, published numbers of this group vary considerably from census to census, and are therefore excluded from this table. According to the 1960 census the total number of Amerindians was 25,453, which meant that the population of the country as a whole stood at 560,330.

TABLE 2

Migrants Introduced Into British Guiana Mainly Under Indenture 1834-1918

Note:
These are taken from a forthcoming paper in Population Studies by G.W. Roberts and J. Byrne "Summary Statistics on Indenture and Associated Migration affecting the West Indies, 1834-1918".

TABLE 3

Percentage Distribution of Population by Race for Sugar Estates, Villages and Urban Centres of British Guiana, 1891-1960

Note:
Information on Villages for 1960 is not yet available. These figures given for 1960 are provisional.

TABLE 4

Percentage of racial Groups living on Sugar Estates, in Villages and Urban Centres, 1891-1960
Note:
Information on Villages for 1960 is not yet available. Those figures for 1960 are provisional.

TABLE 5

Indices of Segregation for racial groups of the urban and rural population of British Guiana 1931-1960

TABLE 6

Indices of Dissimilarity between pairs of racial groups in urban areas of British Guiana, 1931 and 1946

Note:
Indices above the diagonal* are for 1946; those below the diagonal are for 1931.
[Editor's Note: * The diagonal is represented by the dashes in the columns.]

TABLE 7

Indices of Dissimilarity between pairs of racial groups in urban areas of Trinidad, 1946 and 1960

Note: Indices above the diagonal* are for 1960; those below the diagonal are for 1946.
[Editor's Note: * The diagonal is represented by the dashes in the columns.]

TABLE 8

Indices of Dissimilarity between pairs of racial groups in urban areas of British Guiana, 1946 and 1960

Note: Indices above the diagonal* are for 1960; those below the diagonal are for 1946
[Editor's Note: * The diagonal is represented by the dashes in the columns.]

TABLE 9

Proportion (%) distribution of the clerical section of the Civil Service by race, 1943, 1949, 1955 and 1960

Note:
This table is compiled from published staff lists. The figures in brackets are the actual numbers in each racial group.

TABLE 10

Proportional (%) distribution of Senior Staff of Georgetown Civil Service by salary scale and race, 1965

* There are 3 females included here - 1 East Indian, 1 Negro and 1 Mixed. 
** Top Rank Officers are included in their appropriate salary scale, F1-F18 or A1-A34.

TABLE 11

Proportional (%) Distribution of British Guiana Police Force by Rank and race, 1965

TABLE 12

British Guiana Constables - Recruits as percentage of applicants 1960-1964

TABLE 13A

Probabilities (%) of rejection or failure from various sources in the process of selection of Police Constables, November 1960 to June 1961

* The factors given here are "rejected owing to being married", "rejected owing to having illegitimate child", and "reject owing to being too old".

** The factors given here are "failed medical examination", "rejected by Final Selection Board", and "withdrew application after being selected".

TABLE 13B

Probabilities (%) of rejection or failure from various sources in the process of selection of Constables for the Special Service Unit, January 1965

* Covers apparently debarring physical defects.
** Includes apparently failure of medical examination or rejection after second interview.

TABLE 14

Proportional (%) distribution of Security Forces by rank and race, 1965

Note:
It is convenient to adopt a simple two-fold classification in terms of Officers and constables to facilitate comparisons between the various forces. Among Officers are included all ranks above constable.

The Supernumerary and Rural Constabularies have been excluded.

TABLE 15

Proportional (%) distribution of staff of Primary Schools by race, June 1965

TABLE 16

Proportional (%) distribution of staff of Government Agencies or Undertakings, June 1965

TABLE 17

Characteristics of Three Land Settlement Schemes, 31st December. 1964

TABLE 18

Racial composition (%) of total and Urban populations of British Guiana, according to the censuses of 1946 and 1960

* Provisional.
** This includes Amerindians, Lebanese, Syrians and a small group whose race was not stated.

TABLE 19

Proportion (%) of each of three racial groups located in three broad categories of the Clerical Service, 1943-1960

[Editor's Note: For the sake of convenience, this table is divided into two parts in this edition.]

TABLE 20

Proportion (%) of each of three racial groups in the occupational categories of Senior Staff in the Civil Service, 1965

TABLE 21

Proportional (%) Distribution of Staff in all Ministries and Departments of the Public Service, 1965

TABLE 22

Racial Distribution of Security Forces, 1965

APPENDIX VI

United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination

The General Assembly,

Considering that the Charter of the United Nations is based on the principles of the dignity and equality of all human beings and seeks, among other basic objectives, to achieve international co-operation in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion,

Considering that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set out in the Declaration, without distinction of any kind, in particular as to race, colour or national origin,

Considering that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims further that all are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law and that all are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination and against any incitement to such discrimination,

Considering that the United Nations has condemned colonialism and all practices of segregation and discrimination associated therewith, and that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples proclaims in particular the necessity of bringing colonialism to a speedy and unconditional end,

Considering that any doctrine of racial differentiation or superiority is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination either in theory or in practice,

Taking into account the other resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the international instruments adopted by the specialized agencies, in particular the International Labour Organisation and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, in the field of discrimination,

Taking into account the fact that, although international action and efforts in a number of countries have made it possible to achieve progress in that field, discrimination based on race, colour or ethnic origin in certain areas of the world continues none the less to give cause for serious concern,

Alarmed by the manifestations of racial discrimination still in evidence in some areas of the world, some of which are imposed by certain Governments by means of legislative, administrative or other measures, in the form, inter alia, of apartheid, segregation and separation, as well as by the promotion and dissemination of doctrines of racial superiority and expansionism in certain areas,

Convinced that all forms of racial discrimination and, still more so, governmental policies based on the prejudice of racial superiority or on racial hatred, besides constituting a violation of fundamental human rights, tend to jeopardize friendly relations among peoples, co-operation between nations and international peace and security,

Convinced also that racial discrimination harms not only those who are its objects but also those who practise it.

Convinced further that the building of a world society free from all forms of racial segregation and discrimination, factors which create hatred and division among men, is one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations,

1. Solemnly affirms the necessity of speedily eliminating racial discrimination throughout the world, in all its forms and manifestations, and of securing understanding of and respect for the dignity of the human person;

2. Solemnly affirms the necessity of adopting national and international measures to that end, including teaching, education and information, in order to secure the universal and effective recognition and observance of the principles set forth below;

3. Proclaims this Declaration:

Article 1

Discrimination between human beings on the ground of race, colour or ethnic origin is an offence to human dignity and shall be condemned as a denial of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as a violation of the human rights and fundamental freedoms proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations among nations and as a fact capable of disturbing peace and security among peoples.

Article 2

1. No State, institution, group or individual shall make any discrimination whatsoever in matters of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the treatment of persons, groups of persons or institutions on the ground of race, colour or ethnic origin.

2. No State shall encourage, advocate or lend its support, through police action or otherwise, to any discrimination based on race, colour or ethnic origin by any group, institution or individual.

3. Special concrete measures shall be taken in appropriate circumstances in order to secure adequate development or protection of individuals belonging to certain racial groups with the object of ensuring the full enjoyment by such individuals of human rights and fundamental freedoms. These measures shall in no circumstances have as a consequence the maintenance of unequal or separate rights for different racial groups.

Article 3

1. Particular efforts shall be made to prevent discrimination based on race, colour or ethnic origin, especially in the fields of civil rights, access to citizenship, education, religion, employment, occupation and housing.

2. Everyone shall have equal access to any place or facility intended for use by the general public, without distinction as to race, colour or ethnic origin.

Article 4

All States shall take effective measures to revise governmental and other public policies and to rescind laws and regulations which have the effect of creating and perpetuating racial discrimination wherever it still exists. They should pass legislation for prohibiting such discrimination and should take all appropriate measures to combat those prejudices which lead to racial discrimination.

Article 5

An end shall be put without delay to governmental and other public policies of racial segregation and especially policies of apartheid, as well as all forms of racial discrimination and separation resulting from such policies.

Article 6

No discrimination by reason of race, colour or ethnic origin shall be admitted in the enjoyment by any person of political and citizenship rights in his country, in particular the right to participate in elections through universal and equal suffrage and to take part in the government. Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.

Article 7

1. Everyone has the right to equality before the law and to equal justice under the law. Everyone, without distinction as to race, colour or ethnic origin, has the right to security of person and protection by the State against violence or bodily harm, whether inflicted by government officials or by any individual, group or institution.

2. Everyone shall have the right to an effective remedy and protection against any discrimination he may suffer on the ground of race, colour or ethnic origin with respect to his fundamental rights and freedoms through independent national tribunals competent to deal with such matters.

Article 8

All effective steps shall be taken immediately in the fields of teaching, education and information, with a view to eliminating racial discrimination and prejudice and promoting understanding, tolerance and friendship among nations and racial groups, as well as to propagating the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.

Article 9

1. All propaganda and organizations based on ideas or theories of the superiority of one race or group of persons of one colour or ethnic origin with a view to justifying or promoting racial discrimination in any form shall be severely condemned.

2. All incitement to or acts of violence, whether by individuals or organizations against any race or group of persons of another colour or ethnic origin shall be considered an offence against society and punishable under law.

3. In order to put into effect the purposes and principles of the present Declaration, all States shall take immediate and positive measures, including legislative and other measures, to prosecute and/or outlaw organizations which promote or incite to racial discrimination, or incite to or use violence for purposes of discrimination based on race, colour or ethnic origin.

Article 10

The United Nations, the specialized agencies, States and non-governmental organizations shall do all in their power to promote energetic action which, by combining legal and other practical measures, will make possible the abolition of all forms of racial discrimination. They shall, in particular, study the causes of such discrimination with a view to recommending appropriate and effective measures to combat and eliminate it.

Article 11

Every State shall promote respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and shall fully and faithfully observe the provisions of the present Declaration, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.

The Constitution of British Guiana

PART I-FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS

1. (1) No person shall be deprived intentionally of his life save in execution of the sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been convicted.

(2) Without prejudice to any liability for a contravention of any other law with respect to the use of force in such cases as are hereinafter mentioned, a person shall not be regarded as having been deprived of his life in contravention of this article if he dies as the result of the use of force to such extent as is reasonably justifiable in the circumstances of the ease-

(a) for the defence of any person from violence or for the defence of property;

(b) in order to effect a lawful arrest or to prevent the escape of a person lawfully detained;

(c) for the purpose of suppressing a riot, insurrection or mutiny; or

(d) in order to prevent the commission by that person of a criminal offence, or if he dies as a result of a lawful act of war.

2. (1) No person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading punishment or other treatment.

(2) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question authorises the infliction of any punishment or the administration of any treatment that was lawful in British Guiana immediately before the date when this Constitution comes into force.

3. (1) No person shall be held in slavery or servitude.

(2) No person shall be required to perform forced labour.

(3) For the purposes of this article, "forced labour" does not include-

(a) any labour required in consequence of the sentence or order of a court;

(b) any labour required of a member of a defence force in pursuance of his duties as such or, in the case of a person who has conscientious objections to service as such a member, any labour which that person is required by law to perform in place of such service; or

(c) labour required of any person while he is lawfully detained which, though not required in consequence of the sentence or order of a court, is reasonably necessary in the interests of hygiene or for the maintenance of the place in which he is detained.

4. (1) No person shall be deprived of his personal liberty save as may be authorised by law in any of the following cases-

(a) in execution of the sentence or order of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been convicted or in consequence of his unfitness to plead to a criminal charge or in execution of the order of a court on the grounds of his contempt of that court or of another court or tribunal;

(b) in execution of the order of a court made in order to secure the fulfilment of any obligation imposed upon him by law;

(c) for the purpose of bringing him before a court in execution of the order of a court;

(d) upon reasonable suspicion of his having committed, or of being about to commit, a criminal offence;

(e) in the case of a person who has not attained the age of twenty-one years, for the purpose of his education or welfare;

(f) for the purpose of preventing the spread of an infectious or contagious disease or in the case of a person who is, or is reasonably suspected to be, of unsound mind, addicted to drugs or alcohol, or a vagrant, for the purpose of his care or treatment or the protection of the community;

(g) for the purpose of preventing the unlawful entry of that person into British Guiana or for the purpose of effecting the expulsion, extradition or other lawful removal from British Guiana of that person or the taking of proceedings relating thereto.

(2) Any person who is arrested or detained shall be informed as soon as is reasonably practicable, in language which he understands, of the reasons for his arrest or detention.

(3) Any person who is arrested or detained in such a case as is mentioned in sub-paragraph (c) or (d) of paragraph (1) of this article and who is not released shall be brought without undue delay before a court; and if any person arrested or detained in such a case as is mentioned in the said sub-paragraph (d) is not tried within a reasonable time he shall (without prejudice to any further proceedings that may be brought against him) be released either unconditionally or upon reasonable conditions, including in particular such conditions as are reasonably necessary to ensure that he appears at a later date for trial or for proceedings preliminary to trial.

(4) Any person who is unlawfully arrested or detained by any other person shall be entitled to compensation therefor from that other person.

5. (1) In the determination of his civil rights and obligations a person shall be entitled to a fair hearing within a reasonable time by a court or other tribunal established by law and constituted in such manner as to secure its independence and impartiality:

Provided that nothing in this paragraph shall invalidate any law by reason only that it confers on any person or authority power to determine questions arising in the administration of a law that affect or may affect the civil rights and obligations of any person.

(2) Whenever any person is charged with a criminal offence, he shall, unless the charge is withdrawn, be entitled to a fair hearing within a reasonable time by a court established by law and constituted in such a manner as to secure its independence and impartiality.

(3) All proceedings of every court and proceedings for the determination of a person's civil rights or obligations before any other tribunal (including the announcement of the decision of the court or tribunal) shall be held in public:

Provided that the court or other tribunal may, to such extent as it may consider necessary in special circumstances where publicity would prejudice the interests of justice or in interlocutory civil proceedings, or to such extent as it may be empowered or required by law so to do in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, public morality, the welfare of persons under the age of twenty-one years or the protection of the private lives of persons concerned in the proceedings, exclude from its proceedings persons other than the parties thereto and their legal representatives.

(4) Every person who is charged with a criminal offence shall be presumed to be innocent until he is proved or has pleaded guilty:

Provided that nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this paragraph to the extent that the law in question imposes upon any such person the burden of proving particular facts.

(5) Every person who is charged with a criminal offence-

(a) shall be informed as soon as is reasonably practicable, in language that he understands and in detail, of the nature of the offence charged;

(b) shall be given adequate time and facilities for the preparation of his defence;

(c) shall be permitted to defend himself in person or by a legal representative of his own choice;

(d) shall be afforded facilities to examine in person or by his legal representative the witnesses called by the prosecution before any court, and to obtain the attendance and carry out the examination of witnesses to testify on his behalf before the court on the same conditions as those applying to witnesses called by the prosecution; and

(e) shall be permitted to have without payment the assistance of an interpreter if he cannot understand the language used at the trial of the charge.

(6) When any person is tried for any criminal offence that person or any person authorised by him in that behalf shall, if he so requires and subject to payment of such fee as may be prescribed by law, be given within a reasonable time a copy of any record of the proceedings made by or on behalf of the court.

(7) No person shall be held to be guilty of a criminal offence on account of any act or omission that did not, at the time it took place, constitute such an offence, and no penalty shall be imposed for any criminal offence which is severer in degree or description than the maximum penalty which might have been imposed for that offence at the time when it was committed.

(8) No person who shows that he has been tried by any competent court for a criminal offence and either convicted or acquitted shall again be tried for that offence or for any other criminal offence of which he could have been convicted at the trial for that offence save upon the order of a superior court made in the course of appeal proceedings relating to the conviction or acquittal; and no person who shows that he has been pardoned for a criminal offence shall be tried for that offence:

Provided that nothing in any law shall be held to be inconsistent with this paragraph by reason only that it authorises any court to try a member of a - defence force for a criminal offence notwithstanding any trial and conviction or acquittal of that member under service law; but any court so trying such a member and convicting him shall in sentencing him to any punishment take into account any punishment awarded him under service law.

(9) No person who is tried for a criminal offence shall be compelled to give evidence at the trial.

(10) In sub-paragraphs (c) and (d) of paragraph (5) of this article "legal representative" means an advocate authorised to practise as such in British Guiana or, except in relation to proceedings before a court in which a solicitor has no right of audience, a solicitor who is so authorised.

6. (1) Every person shall be entitled to respect for his private and family life and his home.

(2) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question makes provision which is reasonably required-

(a) in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, public morality, public health or the economic well-being of the community; or

(b) for the purpose of protecting the rights and freedom of other persons, except so far as that provision or, as the case may be, the thing done under the authority thereof is shown not to be reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.

7. (1) Except with his consent, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of conscience, and for the purposes of this article the said freedom includes freedom of thought and of religion, freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom, either alone or in community with others, and both in public or in private, to manifest and propagate his religion or belief in worship, teaching, practice and observance.

(2) Except with his consent (or, if he is a person who has not attained the age of twenty-one years, the consent of his guardian) no person attending any place of education shall be required to receive religious instruction or to take part in or attend any religious ceremony or observance if that instruction, ceremony or observance relates to a religion other than his own.

(3) No religious community or denomination shall be prevented from providing religious instruction for persons of that community or denomination in any place of education managed or wholly maintained by that community or denomination.

(4) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question makes provision which is reasonably required-

(a) in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health; or

(b) for the purpose of protecting the rights and freedoms of other persons, including the right to observe and practise any religion without the unsolicited interference of members of any other religion, and except so far as that provision or, as the case may be, the thing done under the authority thereof is shown not to be reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.

8. (1) Except with his consent, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, and for the purposes of this article the said freedom includes freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference, and freedom from interference with his correspondence.

(2) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question makes provision -

(a) which is reasonably required-

(i) in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health; or

(ii) for the purpose of protecting the rights, reputations and freedoms of other persons, preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, maintaining the authority and independence of the courts, or regulating telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless broadcasting, television, or the exhibition of cinematograph films; or

(b) which imposes restrictions upon persons holding office under the Crown or upon members of a defence force or of the Police Force, and except so far as that provision or, as the case may be, the thing done under the authority thereof is shown not to be reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.

9. (1) Except with his consent, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of assembly and association, that is to say, his right to assemble freely and associate with other persons and in particular to form or belong to trade unions or other associations for the protection of his interests.

(2) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question makes provision-

(a) which is reasonably required-

(i) in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health; or

(ii) for the purpose of protecting the rights and freedoms of other persons; or

(b) which imposes restrictions upon persons holding office under the Crown or upon members of a defence force or of the Police Force,

and except so far as that provision or, as the case may be, the thing done under the authority thereof is shown not to be reasonably justifiable in a democratic Society.

10. (1) Except with his consent, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of movement, and for the purposes of this article the said freedom means the right to move freely throughout British Guiana, the right to reside in any part thereof, the right to enter British Guiana and immunity from expulsion therefrom.

(2) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question makes provision-

(a) which is reasonably required-

(i) in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, public morality, public health or town and country planning; or

(ii) for the purpose of protecting the rights or freedoms of other persons, and except so far as that provision or, as the case may be, the thing done under the authority thereof is shown not to be reasonably justifiable in a democratic society;

(b) for the removal of persons from British Guiana to be tried outside British Guiana for criminal offences, or to be present at the hearing outside British Guiana of appeal proceedings relating to their conviction in British Guiana of criminal offences, or to undergo imprisonment outside British Guiana in execution of the sentences or orders of courts in respect of criminal offences of which they have been convicted;

(c) for the imposition of restrictions on the movement or residence within British Guiana of any person who does not belong to British Guiana or the exclusion or expulsion from British Guiana of any such person; or

(d) for the protection, well-being or advancement of the Amerindians of British Guiana.

(3) Any restriction on a person's freedom of movement which is involved in his lawful detention shall not be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article.

(4) For the purposes of this article, a person shall be deemed to belong to British Guiana if he is a British subject and-

(a) was born in British Guiana or of parents who at the time of his birth were ordinarily resident in British Guiana; or

(b) has been ordinarily resident in British Guiana continuously for a period of seven years or more and since the completion of such period of residence has not been ordinarily resident continuously for a period of seven years or more in any other part of the Commonwealth; or

(c) has obtained the status of a British subject by reason of the grant by the Governor of British Guiana of a certificate of naturalization under the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914 or the British Nationality Act, 1948; or

(d) is the wife of a person to whom any of the foregoing sub-paragraphs of this paragraph applies not living apart from such person under a decree of a court or a deed of separation; or

(e) is the child, stepchild or child adopted in a manner recognised by law under the age of eighteen years of a person to whom any of the foregoing sub-paragraphs of this paragraph applies.

11. (1) A person of a particular community, race, place of origin, religion or political opinion shall not, by reason only that he is such a person-

(a) be subjected either expressly by, or in the practical application of, any law or any executive or administrative action of the Government of British Guiana to disabilities or restrictions to which persons of other communities, races, places of origin, religions or political opinions are not made subject; or

(b) be accorded either expressly by, or in the practical application of any law or any such executive or administrative action, any privilege or advantage that is not conferred on persons of other communities, races, places of origin, religions or political opinions.

(2) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question makes provision-

(a) for the appropriation of revenues or other funds of British Guiana;

(b) with respect to the entry into or exclusion from, or the employment, movement or residence within, British Guiana of persons who do not belong to British Guiana for the purposes of the last foregoing article;

(c) for the protection, well-being or advancement of the Amerindians of British Guiana;

(d) with respect to the marriage or divorce of persons of a particular place of origin or religion;

(e) for the imposition of any restriction on the rights and freedoms protected by articles 6 to 10 of this Constitution, being such a restriction as is authorised by paragraph (2) of article 6, paragraph (4) of article 7, paragraph (2) of article 8 or article 9, or sub-paragraph (a) of paragraph (2) of article 10, as the case may be; or

(f) for imposing any disability or restriction or according any privilege or advantage that, having regard to its nature and to special circumstances pertaining to the persons to whom it applies, is reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.

(3) Nothing in paragraph (1) of this article shall affect any discretion relating to the institution, conduct or discontinuance of civil or criminal proceedings in any court that is vested in any person by or under this Constitution or any other law.

12. (1) No interest in or right over property of any description shall be compulsorily acquired, and no such property shall be compulsorily taken possession of, except by or under the authority of a written law and where provision applying to that acquisition or taking of possession is made by such a law-

(a) requiring the prompt payment of adequate compensation;

(b) giving to any person claiming such compensation a right of access, for the determination of his interest in or right over the property and the amount of compensation, to the Supreme Court; and

(c) giving to any party to proceedings in the Supreme Court relating to such a claim the same rights of appeal as are accorded generally to parties to civil proceedings in that Court sitting as a court of original jurisdiction.

(2) Nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any law of the Legislature in force immediately before the date when this Constitution comes into force, or the making after that date and operation of any law which amends or replaces any such law as aforesaid and does not-

(i) add to the interests, rights or property that may be acquired or taken possession of;

(ii) add to the purposes for which or circumstances in which any interest, right or property may be acquired or taken possession of;

(iii) make the conditions governing entitlement to any compensation or the amount thereof less favourable to any person having any interest in or right over any property; or

(iv) deprive any person of any right such as is mentioned in sub-paragraph (b) or sub-paragraph (c) of paragraph (1) of this article.

(3) Subject to the provisions of paragraph (5) of this article, nothing in this article shall be construed as affecting the making or operation of any law to far as it provides for the acquisition or taking of possession of property-

(a) in satisfaction of any tax, rate or due;

(b) by way of penalty for breach of the law, whether under civil process or after conviction of a criminal offence;

(c) as an incident of a lease, tenancy, mortgage, charge, bill of sale or contract;

(d) of the Amerindians of British Guiana for the purpose of its care, protection or management;

(e) by way of the vesting and administration of trust property, enemy property, or the property of persons adjudged or otherwise declared bankrupt, persons of unsound mind, deceased persons, or bodies corporate or unincorporate in the course of being wound up;

(f) in the execution of judgments or orders of courts;

(g) by reason of its being in a dangerous state or injurious to the health of human beings, animals or plants;

(h) in consequence of any provision with respect to the limitation of actions; or

(i) for so long as may be necessary for the purposes of any examination, investigation, trial or inquiry or, in the case of land, the carrying out of work thereon for the purpose of soil conservation.

(4) Nothing in this article shall be construed as affecting the making or operation of any law for the compulsory taking of possession in the public interest of any property, or the compulsory acquisition in the public interest of any interest in or right over property, where that property, interest or right is held by a body corporate which is established directly by any law in force in British Guiana and in which no moneys have been invested other than moneys provided by any Legislature established for British Guiana.

(5) The resumption of possession by or on behalf of the Crown of any property expressed (in whatever manner) to be held by any person during Her Majesty's pleasure otherwise than by reason of a breach of any condition of defeasance subject to which such property was held as aforesaid shall be deemed to be a compulsory taking of possession of such property for the purposes of this article:

Provided that such resumption of possession shall not be required to he authorised by a written law.

13. (1) If any person alleges that any of the provisions of this Part of this Constitution has been, is being or is likely to be contravened in relation to him then, without prejudice to any other action with respect to the same matters which is lawfully available, that person may apply to the Supreme Court for redress.

(2) The Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction-

(a) to hear and determine any application made by any person in pur_suance of the preceding paragraph; and

(b) to determine any question arising in the case of any person which is - referred to it in pursuance of the next following paragraph,

and may make such orders, issue such writs and give such directions as it may consider appropriate for the purpose of enforcing or securing the enforcement of any of the provisions of this Part of this Constitution to the protection of which the person concerned is entitled:

Provided that the Supreme Court shall not exercise its powers under this paragraph if it is satisfied that adequate means of redress are or have been available to the person concerned under any other law.

(3) If in any proceedings in any court established for British Guiana other than the Supreme Court any question arises as to the contravention of any of the provisions of this Part of this Constitution the court in which the question has arisen shall refer the question to the Supreme Court unless, in its opinion, the raising of the question is merely frivolous or vexatious.

(4) No law of the Legislature shall make provision with respect to rights of appeal from any determination of the Supreme Court made in proceedings brought in the Supreme Court in pursuance of this article that is less favourable to any party thereto than the rights of appeal from determinations of the Supreme Court that are accorded generally to parties to civil proceedings in the Court sitting as a court of original jurisdiction.

(5) No appeal shall lie from any determination under this article that any application or the raising of any question is merely frivolous or vexatious.

(6) A law of the Legislature may confer upon the Supreme Court such additional or supplementary powers as may appear to be necessary or desirable for enabling the Court more effectively to exercise the jurisdiction conferred upon it by paragraph (2) of this article and may make provision with respect to the practice and procedure of the Court while exercising that jurisdiction.

14. (1) This article applies to any period when-

(a) Her Majesty is at war; or

(b) there is in force a proclamation (in this article referred to as a "proclamation of emergency") made by the Governor and published in the Gazette declaring that a state of public emergency exists for the purposes of this article; or

(c) there is in force a resolution of the House of Assembly, in favour of which there were cast the votes of not fewer than thirty-six members, declaring that democratic institutions in British Guiana are threatened by subversion.

(2) Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of paragraph (2) of article 3, article 4, any provision of article 5 other than paragraph (7) thereof, or any provision of articles 6 to 11 of this Constitution to the extent that the law in question makes in relation to any period to which this article applies provision, or authorises the doing during any such period of anything, which is reasonably justifiable in the circumstances of any situation arising or existing during that period for the purpose of dealing with that situation.

(3) (a) Where any proclamation of emergency has been made, copies thereof shall as soon as practicable be laid before the House of Assembly and if by reason of adjournment or prorogation the House is not due to meet within five days the Governor shall, by proclamation published in the Gazette, summon the House to meet within five days and the House shall accordingly meet and sit upon the day appointed by the proclamation and shall continue to sit and act as if it had stood adjourned or prorogued to that day.

(b) A proclamation of emergency shall, unless it is sooner revoked by the Governor, cease to be in force at the expiration of a period of fourteen days beginning on the date on which it was made or such longer period as may be provided under the next following sub-paragraph, but without prejudice to the making of another proclamation of emergency at or before the end of that period.

(c) If at any time while a proclamation of emergency is in force (including any time while it is in force by virtue of the provisions of this sub-paragraph) a resolution is passed by the House of Assembly approving its continuance in force for a further period, not exceeding three months, beginning on the date on which it would otherwise expire, the proclamation shall, if not sooner revoked, continue in force for that further period.

(4) A resolution such as is referred to in sub-paragraph (c) of paragraph (1) of this article shall, unless it is sooner revoked by a resolution of the House of Assembly, cease to be in force at the expiration of two years beginning on the date on which it was passed or such shorter period as may be specified therein, but without prejudice to the passing of another resolution by the House in the manner prescribed by that sub-paragraph at or before the end of that period.

15. (1) Where-

(a) any person is lawfully detained only by virtue of paragraph (2) of article 14 of this Constitution; or

(b) the movements or residence within British Guiana of any person are lawfully restricted (otherwise than by order of a court) by virtue only of such a provision as is referred to in sub-paragraph (a) of paragraph (2) of article 10 of this Constitution or only of paragraph (2) of article 14 of this Constitution,

and that person so requires at any time during the period of detention or restriction not earlier than six months after he last made such a requirement during that period, his case shall be reviewed by a tribunal established for the purposes of this article.

(2) On any review by a tribunal in pursuance of the last foregoing paragraph of the case of any person the tribunal may make recommendations concerning the necessity or expedience of continuing the detention or restriction to the authority by whom it was ordered but, unless it is otherwise provided by law, that authority shall not be obliged to act in accordance with any such recommendation.

(3) A tribunal established for the purposes of this article shall be so established by law and constituted in such manner as to secure its independence and impartiality and presided over by a person appointed by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court from among the persons authorised to practise in British Guiana as advocates or solicitors.

16. (1) In this Part of this Constitution, unless it is otherwise expressly provided or required by the context-

"contravention" in relation to any requirement includes a failure to comply with that requirement, and cognate expressions shall be construed accordingly;

"court" means the Supreme Court and any court (other than a court constituted by or under service law) established by a law of the Legislature the members of which hold or are acting in offices to which article 91 of this Constitution applies, and includes the Federal Supreme Court of The West Indies and Her Majesty in Council:

Provided that-

(a) in articles 1, 3 and 4, paragraphs (3), (5), (6) and (8) (but not the proviso thereto) of article 5, article 10, paragraph (3) of article 11, and paragraph (3) of article 13 it includes, in relation to an offence against service law, a court constituted by or under service law; and

(b) in articles 3 and 4 it includes, in relation to such an offence, an officer of a defence force or of the Police Force;

"defence force" means any naval, military or air force raised under a law of the Legislature;

"member ", in relation to a defence force or other armed force, includes any person who, under the law regulating the discipline of that force, is subject to that discipline;

"service law" means a law regulating the discipline of members of a defence force or of the Police Force.

(2) Any reference in articles 1, 4, 10, 11 and 12 of this Constitution to a criminal offence shall be construed as including an offence against service law, and any such reference in paragraphs (4) to (9) of article 5 of this Constitution shall, in relation to proceedings before a court constituted by or under service law, be construed in the same manner.

(3) Nothing done under the authority of the law of any country other than British Guiana to a member of an armed force raised under that law and lawfully present in British Guiana shall be held to be in contravention of this Part of this Constitution.

Extract from Report of Professor S. A. de Smith, Constitutional Commissioner for Mauritius presented in November, 1964. (Published as Mauritius Legislative Assembly Sessional Paper No. 2 of 1965).

"The Ombudsman"

37. In 1961 suggestions were being made for the creation of a high-powered tribunal to inquire into abuses of power by those in positions of authority. I found that in 1964 those who had been putting forward this idea were instead advocating the appointment of an Ombudsman. I found, also, that no Minister belonging to any party was opposed to the principle of establishing an Ombudsman in Mauritius, and that many Ministers were strongly in favour of this principle. Shortly after my arrival in Mauritius I circulated to Ministers a paper entitled "An Ombudsman for Mauritius?" I received a number of helpful comments on this paper from Ministers, officials and the Chairman of the Public Service Commission. I am now in a position to make detailed proposals which, I believe, will command a very wide measure of agreement in Mauritius.

38. An Ombudsman for Mauritius would be essentially an independent public officer charged with the duty of investigating and reporting on allegations of maladministration (including unfairly discriminatory acts) made against public authorities and their officials. He would have no power to annul or vary any act or decision, but he would be empowered to make recommendations to the competent authority for granting redress to an aggrieved complainant. He would conduct his inquiries informally and privately; he would not be entitled to single out individual public officers for condemnation in his published reports; he would screen the public service from unjustified criticism, and he would acquire a body of information which would enable him to act as an impartial adviser to the administration. He would, in fact, provide a link between Government and the governed which is at present lacking in Mauritius. Far from weakening the principle of ministerial responsibility, he could make it more efficacious. Although his function would be primarily to assure the redress of individual grievances, his activities would also afford reassurance to minorities which entertained fears of becoming the victims of unfair governmental discrimination. The new constitutional guarantees of fundamental rights and freedoms will have the effect of invalidating unfairly discriminatory laws and administrative acts. But they must first be pronounced invalid by the courts; and there would surely be an advantage in supplementing the judicial process by another process which may prove less obtrusive and swifter in action and will not depend for its efficacy on the initiative of individual litigants. And the very existence of an independent inquisitor should reduce any possibility that discriminatory practices will be perpetrated by those in authority.

39. The Ombudsmen is principally a Scandinavian institution. But the well-known and long-established Swedish model is manifestly inappropriate for export to a Commonwealth country; the pattern of public administration and the status of civil servants are peculiarly Swedish, and the relationships between Ministers and Parliament are materially different from those obtaining in the Westminster system. The Danish model (introduced in 1953) offers a more fruitful line of approach, for in Denmark the constitutional structure bears a fairly close resemblance to the British type. When New Zealand became the first Commonwealth country to appoint an Ombudsman (in pursuance of the Parliamentary Commissioner (Ombudsman) Act, 1962), it drew heavily on Danish experience. Mauritius must, in its turn, draw heavily on New Zealand experience. The proposals that I am about to formulate are based on the New Zealand pattern, but they incorporate a number of variations designed to take into account the different circumstances and constitutional position of Mauritius. An Ombudsman cannot be bought off the peg; he must be made to measure.

40. In New Zealand, as in Denmark, the main reason for establishing the new office was a widespread feeling that existing parliamentary, judicial and administrative safeguards against improper, unfair and negligent action (or inaction) by public authorities and their officers were inadequate. Ministers were responsible to Parliament; the courts dispensed justice to aggrieved persons; statutory tribunals had been set up to deal with special classes of claims and controversies; yet each kind of remedy had significant limitations, and there was no doubt that some legitimate grievances entertained by ordinary citizens against the administration were not being redressed. It was hoped that the appointment of an independent officer to investigate complaints would rectify isolated cases of injustice and strengthen confidence between administrators and the man in the street without impeding the business of government. These hopes have already been substantially fulfilled both in Denmark and in New Zealand.

41. Their fulfilment is largely attributable in both countries to the personal qualities of the Ombudsman, who swiftly established friendly relations with senior civil servants and broke down the defensive barriers of suspicion. In Mauritius too a great deal would inevitably depend on the degree in which the first occupant of the office was able to earn the confidence of the politicians, the civil service and the general public alike. Having regard to the peculiarly sensitive character of the functions which he would be called upon to discharge in Mauritius, it may be preferable for the first holder of the office to be a non-Mauritian. He should, I think, be appointed by the Governor in his discretion after consultation with the Premier and other party leaders, and would hold office for a fixed period, which might well be three years. He would, of course, be eligible for re-appointment. The re-appointment or second appointment should be made, in my tentative opinion, on the advice of the Premier after consultation with the Judicial and Legal Service Commission. The best procedure might be for the Commission to submit a list of names to the Premier, and for the Premier to make his choice from the list submitted. His salary (which would obviously have to be substantial) should be fixed by law, should be charged on the Consolidated Fund and should not be reducible during his tenure of office. He should be removable only for inability or misbehaviour in pursuance of the report of a judicial tribunal of inquiry. The provisions governing his appointment, salary and tenure should be incorporated in the Constitution.

42. He should be assisted by a Senior Investigations Officer, appointed on the advice of the Public Service Commission. He would have a small secretarial staff to be appointed on the advice of the Public Service Commission when the Commission acquires executive powers. He and all members of his staff should be obliged to take an oath of secrecy before commencing their duties.

43. He would have jurisdiction to investigate complaints regarding the acts, omissions, decisions and recommendations of specified public bodies and their officers which affected the interests of individuals or bodies of persons. He would be entitled to act upon his own initiative or upon receiving a complaint from an individual or a body, and I think that power to refer matters to him for investigation should also be conferred upon the Governor, Ministers and members of the Legislative Assembly. All complaints and references should be made in writing, and complaints addressed to him by members of the public should be accompanied by a small fee (say, 5 rupees).

44. He should be authorised to investigate complaints made against all Government Departments and their officers, tender boards, the police, and prison and hospital authorities. I found that there were differences of opinion over the question whether he should be empowered to investigate the acts and decisions of Ministers themselves. In view of this conflict it might be better to exclude the personal acts and decisions of Ministers from his purview in the first instance. I also found that many people thought that he should be entitled to investigate the recommendations and decisions of the Public Service Commission, the Police Service Commission, certain public corporations and local authorities; though nobody thought that he should be allowed to encroach upon the preserves of the Judiciary or the Judicial and Legal Service Commission. There is, however, an important reason why he should not be empowered to investigate the recommendations of the Service Commissions (or their decisions, when they acquire executive powers). At present no reason is given for the appointment or promotion of A, or for the refusal to appoint or promote B, C and a hundred others, to any given post. If persons who had been passed over were entitled to complain to the Ombudsman, the Commissions would be obliged to give him reasons for their decisions in every such instance; and the burden cast upon them, which in any event would be heavy with responsibility, would, I believe, become insupportable. The question whether the Ombudsman should have power to investigate the acts and decisions of public corporations which are not direct organs of the Central Government presents difficulties which I was not able to explore adequately during my time in Mauritius. In some instances (perhaps, for example, the Central Electricity Board and the Mauritius Broadcasting Corporation) outside scrutiny might be inimical to independent initiative; in others the balance of advantage may be tilted towards outside scrutiny. This is a matter which could well receive further consideration locally. There is no reason of principle why the Ombudsman should be denied jurisdiction over the acts and decisions of local authorities, but there is a possibility of his being overloaded with complaints in the early stages; and if he is a non-Mauritian it may take him some time to find his feet. I suggest that, for the first year at least, local authorities (but not Civil Commissioners) should be outside his province; the matter of his jurisdiction could then be reconsidered.

45. I suggest that the procedure for investigations should be as follows. Before investigating any matter the Ombudsman should first inform the head of the Department or organisation concerned. His investigations should be carried out in private and be would be entitled to make such inquiries as he thought fit. What occurred during the course of an investigation should, like judicial proceedings, be absolutely privileged. He would not be required to give anybody a hearing, save where it appeared to him that there were grounds for reporting adversely on the conduct of the Department, organisation or person concerned. He would, however, have a general power to examine witnesses on oath. The Governor (who should be notified of the commencement of each investigation) should have power to prevent the disclosure of information on the ground that it might prejudice the defence, external relations or internal security of Mauritius, or on the ground that it might divulge the proceedings of the Council of Ministers. Once the Governor had ceased to preside in the Council of Ministers, the power to prevent the disclosure of information on the latter ground should, I consider, be vested in the Attorney-General. The Ombudsman should have power to draw attention in his annual report to the Legislative Assembly to instances in which information had been withheld by these means.

46. The Ombudsman should be entitled to refuse to investigate any complaint that was more than six months old, or on the ground that it was vexatious or too trivial or that the complainant had an insufficient interest in the matter, and he should be enabled to discontinue an investigation for any reason that seemed fit to him. He should be precluded from investigating any matter in respect of which there was a statutory right of appeal to or review by a court or tribunal. However, he should not, in my opinion, be precluded from investigating a matter merely because it would be open to the complainant to impugn the measure, act or decision in the Supreme Court as a violation of the constitutional guarantees of fundamental rights. If the jurisdiction of the Ombudsman were to exclude such matters he would be unable to report unfavourably on improperly discriminatory administrative acts. In any event, I consider that he should be empowered to draw attention in his annual report to any unfairly discriminatory trends in the implementation of legislation and executive policy which had come to his notice in the course of his investigations of complaints.

47. He should be entitled to report unfavourably on any decision, recommendation, act or omission on the ground that it was contrary to law, based wholly or partly on a mistake of law or fact, unreasonably delayed, or otherwise manifestly unreasonable. Under the New Zealand Act he has power to report unfavourably on the exercise of an administrative discretionary power whenever he thinks it to have been "wrong". I regard this power as being too wide - there is a danger that it might be so used as to impede the business of administration unduly - and I therefore consider that the test should be one of manifest unreasonableness. (There would, however, be no objection to his making informal suggestions to the competent authority for the alteration of decisions which he believed to be wrong). He should address his formal report, recommending any remedial action that he thinks proper, to the Department or organisation concerned. If no adequate remedial action had been taken within a reasonable time, he should be empowered to make a special report to the Legislative Assembly. He would be obliged in any case to inform the complainant of the result of his investigation.

48. To conclude, it may be worthwhile to draw attention to the experience of the New Zealand Ombudsman. During the period from October 1, 1962, to March 31, 1964, he received 1094 complaints, an average of about two a day. Of these approximately one half were either outside his wide terms of reference or inappropriate for further investigation. Of the 505 complaints investigated, 107 were found to be justified. In the majority of these cases the governmental body took remedial action before the investigation had been completed. The main grounds on which complaints were based were that administrative action had been unreasonable, unfairly discriminatory or unduly dilatory. What is especially interesting is that even in cases where a complaint has been outside the Ombudsman's jurisdiction or has been found to be unjustified on the merits, he has sometimes been able to draw a Department's attention to an issue of general principle arising out of the particular issue. He has made numerous small suggestions for regularising departmental discretionary powers, improving departmental procedures, clarifying forms and other documents issued to the public, and generally for ameliorating public relations. And, as the Ombudsman observed in his report for the year 1963-64: "In so far as thorough and independent investigation of allegations of malpractice establishes that those allegations are unfounded, the Office acts as a valuable shield to the administration".

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